The polls were wrong.
The pundits were wrong.
As repeatedly noted in this column, it was a mistake to rely
on the polls. The population samples
they use are badly constructed and their methods depart widely from the rules
of statistics.
They are overused, with polling going on every day. And many people do not take them seriously and
will readily lie to pollsters about their true intentions.
Expert analysts rely mainly on the polls. Like the old saying about computers: “garbage
in, garbage out.” And they undoubtedly
allowed their analyses to be influenced by their biases. The election was never going to be rigged,
but their reports were, perhaps unconsciously.
One pundit got the presidential election right, and he did
not use polls at all. Prof. Allan
Lichtman of American University has a drawn up a list of 13 true-false
statements. If the party holding the
presidency gets six “false” responses, its candidate loses. Hillary Clinton had more than six wrong.
Lichtman uses a method based on the thoughtful review of
important political facts. Not using
polling, he’s an analyst who analyzes. He
started predicting presidential elections in 1984, and he has never been wrong.
Also, he is a full-time political science professor. Many analysts, either partisans or television
pundits, are only part-timers. They all
learn from the same old, news stories rather than from experience. They parrot conventional wisdom.
Sen. Eugene McCarthy once said something like this about the
political media: “They are like birds on a power line. When one flies off, they all fly off.”
Not only was voter understanding of the campaign distorted
by polls and pundits, but the election itself was influenced by an independent
outside player, similar to what happened in 2000. That year, instead of allowing the political
process run its course, the Supreme Court picked the winner.
This year, James Comey, the FBI director, played a
supporting role for the Republicans in undermining Clinton. First, while testifying before a
congressional committee that her personal email use while Secretary of State
was not a criminal offense, he scolded Clinton for her sloppy handling of
it. The policeman made himself into her
judge.
Then, late in the campaign, he announced the FBI investigation
had been reopened, only to shut it down a second time a few days later. He again recommended no action against
Clinton. But could he possibly have
believed his unusual statements would not affect the presidential campaign?
In both of these cases, Republicans (the Court majority and
Comey) helped the Republican candidate.
Both the Court and the FBI are supposed to be extremely careful to stay
out of politics.
Finally, for the fourth time in American history, a
candidate won a majority of the popular vote but lost the electoral vote. The last time was the 2000 election. In each of the four times, the Republican
defeated the Democrat.
The electoral vote system was designed to have 51 separate elections
(the states plus D.C.). Each state gets
a number of electors equal to the sum of the two U.S. senators and the number
of its House members. That gives extra
weight to small states and reduces the power of large states.
In other words, it is a rule in the U.S. Constitution that
specifically prescribes a system other than one-person, one-vote. Amazingly, the NBC election night crew didn’t
understand this.
The obvious alternative, suggested after the 2000 election,
is to have the president elected by a national, popular vote. That would require a constitutional
amendment. It’s hard to believe that
either the Republicans or the small states would agree, effectively killing
that idea.
In the final analysis, the election was not about Trump and
Clinton. It was about us.
Some thought voters could not choose a morally deficient man
over a competent, if uninspiring, woman.
Boldly asserting non-truths, maligning minorities and engaging in sexist
behavior, he could not be elected, once people learned about him.
But these skeptics, undoubtedly stunned by the outcome,
failed to understand that Trump voters simply didn’t care about his drawbacks, mainly
because he so obviously would bring change, exactly what they wanted above all. A former First Lady, her husband hovering,
hardly represented change.
In that sense, Trump is the successor of President Obama, whose
2008 campaign slogan was simply “Change.”
Many voters probably came to feel they got less of it from Obama than
they had hoped for, so this time they picked a sure thing.
The all-GOP election result may have ended political
deadlock. That’s change. Now let’s see if it helps.
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