The
easy explanation for the British vote for Brexit, Trump’s big
electoral support and Le Pen’s presidential challenge in France is
that the U.S. and Europe are experiencing a growth in “populism.”
These
days, populism means the opposition by average, working people to
traditional politics, which they see as having been run by an elite
group. President Trump called his inauguration, “the day the
people became the rulers of this nation again.”
It’s
not as simple as that. Studies have determined who voted for Britain
leaving the European Union, Trump gaining a strong enough popular
vote to support an electoral victory, and the French being faced with
the possibility of having Marine Le Pen as their extreme right-wing
president.
Who
supported Brexit, Trump and Le Pen and did they have anything in
common? We now have solid, demographic information to answer those
questions. A caution: despite the pundits, we will never know with
this degree of certainty what was in people’s minds.
Brexit
won with 52 percent of the vote last June. Its majority came as a
surprise. Who supported Brexit, voting “Leave”? People who did
not have post-high school education, older people and those in lower
income areas. Older voters, remembering the long-past glory days of
the U.K., decades before the EU, preferred the old ways.
Who
favored remaining in the European Union? People whose jobs required
higher education and people who lived in major cities. In London, 60
percent voted “Remain.”
The
single, clearest demographic was education. If voters had gone to
school beyond high school, they were more likely to vote for
remaining in the EU. Younger voters supported “Remain,” but
their turnout was lighter than for the general population.
The
U.S. presidential election last November also produced a result that
surprised many observers. Unlike the Brexit vote, it did not produce
a popular majority for Trump (Clinton 48%, Trump 46%), though he was
the Electoral College winner. Still, his popular vote was
significant.
Counties
where most people had no more than a high school education shifted
toward Trump. As with Brexit, education was “the single most
important variable,” according to researchers. Also similar to
Brexit, Trump gained support from lower income areas and older
voters.
Hillary
Clinton overwhelmingly carried metropolitan areas of over one million
people. She took New York City with 79 percent of the vote. But
Trump carried every other municipal category. Many large cities are
on the coast in the U.S., helping explain her seaboard domination.
One
big difference between the U.K. and the U.S. was race. It was not a
factor in the Brexit vote, while Trump carried the white vote and
Clinton carried the non-white vote, almost traditional these days
between the Republicans and the Democrats.
Finally,
there was the French presidential election last Sunday between the
centrist Emmanuel Macron and the extreme-right Marine Le Pen. Macron
won 66%-34%.
It’s
worth looking at the Le Pen vote, because she openly sought support
based on the Brexit and Trump surprise results. In France, there was
no such surprise, though Le Pen did better than the far right had
ever done in a presidential election.
Her
supporters looked remarkably similar to the Brexit and Trump voters.
London’s Financial Times found, “Education seems to the strongest
predictor of the Macron vote.” The more people with a university
degree, the more likely the vote where they were concentrated would
go to Macron.
A
similar election had taken place recently in the Netherlands, where
the extreme right candidate won only 13 percent, and the same
education factor was at play there.
As
with the votes for Brexit and Trump, lower income people were more
favorable to Le Pen than the population as a whole. But, as in the
earlier votes, Macron overwhelmed Le Pen’s vote in the largest
cities. In Paris, she received only 10 percent of the vote as
France’s largest city rejected populism.
Another
similarity in all three elections, plus the one in the Netherlands,
was immigration, an issue that was clearly attractive to many
Brexiters, Trump voters and Le Pen backers. In each case, though,
the immigrants were widely different people.
Before
the Brexit referendum, a pro-EU think tank wondered if the “Leave”
supporters might be “Brexiting [themselves] in the foot.” People
in areas most dependent on selling to the EU were the most opposed to
it.
The
same question may be asked in the U.S. Will Trump’s “America
First” policies on trade, immigration, and affordable care
insurance end up harming his supporters by their impact on prices,
jobs and health?
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