When Susan Collins was thinking about
leaving the U.S. Senate and running for governor next year, she was
warned that she would face right-wingers in a bruising Republican
primary. She could win a general election easily, but winning the
nomination would be tough.
Whether that was a factor in her
decision to stick with the Senate, we may never know. She would have
had to spend months focused on the primary battle, time she could
better use in pushing reasonable solutions to national issues in
Washington.
But the question raised by the
potential challenge to Collins is being asked all over the country.
Will Republican office holders, no matter how conservative, fall to
“populist” purity advocates?
The populists are steadfastly
anti-immigrant, pro-tax cuts and seek repeal of the Affordable Care
Act and much government regulation. Their flag bearer is President
Trump, though their real leader may be Steve Bannon, an unelected
ideologue backed by the billionaire Mercer family.
Trump’s popularity, whatever it may
be, depends on trying to keep his campaign promises. He knows that
is more important than any policy. He even asked the Mexican
president to hint that Mexico would pay for the border wall, to allow
him to appear to keep his promise.
Bannon is riding high because a man,
twice removed from the Alabama Supreme Court for what amounted to
constitutional violations, defeated an “establishment”
conservative Republican for the GOP Senate nomination. Bannon takes
the credit for that win and expects more such victories.
Bannon argues that the litmus test must
be whether a Republican supports Trump. But Trump’s entire
political purpose is about winning and getting the credit. He is
willing to exploit populist support, so Bannon can use the
president’s personal ambition for his own purposes.
The critical test has been whether the
Republicans, in control of the federal government, can kill the ACA.
If not, they must have tax reform, really a massive tax cut, by the
end of the year. Failing that, Bannon would launch a full-scale
attack on Republicans who had failed to support Trump and pass a tax
reform bill.
Sen. Ted Cruz, the Texas GOP populist,
believes that failure to enact tax cuts and ACA repeal could bring an
historic “blowout” for his party next November. The GOP risk
losing control of Congress if it does not keep its promises, he says.
But one forgotten Republican promise
would be cutting the federal deficit, sacrificed for the tax cut.
Major Republican backers are ready to pour money into the elections.
For them, it is not a matter of populism, just about massive tax cuts
for themselves. Whatever their intent, they will help the populists
try to seize power.
The result of their efforts and
Bannon’s could be a deep split among Republicans. The kind of
venom directed at Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell by the
populists is a possible indicator of events to come.
Or maybe Bannon is wrong about what
people want. Having seen what the populists would do if they gain
power, voters might return to supporting traditional GOP
conservatives. Is populism merely a passing fad?
The Democrats are counting on one of
the two outcomes being correct – the GOP splits apart or voters
support the ACA, oppose tax cuts for the wealthy and reject populism.
Either way, they can return to power.
There are problems with this Democratic
dream. The internal divide between their establishment and the
Sanders liberals could prevent them from unifying. Or, populism
could be more than a fad and turn out to have the support of enough
voters to win elections and govern.
Look at Europe. In country after
country this year, populists or their equivalent have been winning
more seats in national parliaments. Just last Sunday, they moved
toward tacking control in Austria.
The leader of the successful Brexit
campaign, based on opposition to immigration, showed up in Alabama to
support Bannon’s candidate. Opposing immigration in the U.S. or
Europe appears to be a political plus.
It is easy to believe polls that show
Trump’s support declining or increased backing for the ACA. But
they are only polls, not elections. Political dynamics are changing.
Campaigns matter and voters may be moved by their momentum.
For the Democrats, the test is to offer
innovative policies, find strong and younger leaders to promote them
and to be unified, not splintered.
For the Republicans, the test is for
moderates and conservatives is not to run scared, but to have the
courage of their beliefs and raise the money to run decent campaigns.
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