Sunday, February 8, 2026

Presidential racism, Impeachment and the Clinton's retreat

 

Gordon L. Weil


Racism

President Trump is responsible for posts from the White House on his Truth Social. 

He has lowered communications on his site to the level of the street.  The presidency has been stripped of the respect it needs and deserves.

A racist post from the White House about former President Obama and his wife Michelle was uploaded to Truth Social.  Trump has refused any responsibility for it and would not apologize to the Obamas and the American public.

He allowed his in-house propagandist to excuse the post, then supported her obvious lie.  He insults our intelligence.

Both the post and his reaction are evidence that Trump is a racist. 

No rational person, much less a national leader, would allow such a post and refuse to apologize for it.  That raises the question of whether Trump can be considered a rational person.  

BTW, scientific theory, based on DNA, suggests that we may all descend from an African female, known as “mitochondrial eve.”    


Impeachment vote

Impeaching federal officials requires a majority of the House of Representatives.  If the Democrats take control of the House after this November’s elections, they might impeach Trump for a third time.  That goes a long way to explaining his efforts to maintain GOP House control.

If he were impeached, the Senate would almost certainly be unable to muster the two-thirds needed to convict him.  That would not deter Democrats who could seek to embarrass him, while forcing him to focus attention on his trial rather than on new initiatives.

For a person so clearly concerned about how others see him, a third impeachment would assure him a negative verdict in presidential history.  That could appeal to frustrated Democrats.

The outcome would also further devalue impeachment, which is fast becoming nothing more than a symbolic vote of no confidence in the president.   While impeachment may become part of the political woodwork, it will end up changing little.  With almost no possibility of the conviction of any president, perhaps politicizing impeachment is its best use.


Court delays

The Supreme Court has moved quickly to issue procedural orders allowing Trump to pursue many of his disputed actions until it renders final decisions.  The president gets months of leeway to act before there’s any risk that the Court will halt some of his policies.  Meanwhile, the district courts keep issuing adverse decisions for later Supreme Court review.

Trump’s use of emergency powers to justify raising tariffs has already been rejected in two courts’ detailed rulings. During a hearing, Supreme Court justices questioned his use of the law. 

But the Court has not issued its decision, allowing the tariffs to apply.   While there’s a broad expectation that the Court will rule against the president, its delay defies explanation.  It is undoubtedly giving Trump more time to prepare fallback measures if he loses.

The Court’s excuse might be that it has so many major cases that its decision-making must obviously slow down.   If so, that makes the case for enlarging the Court.

Years ago, the Court made 200 decisions a year.  Now, it barely reaches 70 rulings.  With more justices it could dole out the work to more hands.  It should then be possible to work somewhat faster.

Enlargement does not require court packing.  Instead, as I have previously proposed, Congress could create temporary slots.  Justices would be added to the usual nine and could move from a temporary seat to a permanent place as older justices left the Court.  This would be a temporary solution that could be made permanent after its effect was tested.

Temporary slots have been used for the Supreme Court and courts of appeal.  Right now, they are being used for federal district courts.


Clintons decide to testify

Bill and Hilary Clinton declined to testify before the House committee looking at the Epstein revelations.  As a result, the Republican-dominated committee geared up to find them in contempt of Congress.

Congress has no prosecutorial powers, so its contempt finding would go to the Justice Department for action.   Congress might score political points, believing that the Justice Department would not proceed to prosecution.

But with Trump allies controlling Congress and Trump himself directing the Justice Department, the Clintons could envisage being formally charged with contempt, leading to a trial.  So, they decided to head for cover by withdrawing their refusal to testify. 

Their decision reflected the political reality of dealing with a system dominated by your political opponent.  Trump is dedicated to partisanship, retribution and the destruction of his presidential predecessors.  His loyal, if unprincipled, appointees cater to his wishes.

In the end, as many others in the Epstein files may be finding, it may be better to accept a short-term hit to your political reputation than to face conviction of guilt by association – or worse. 

 


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