Gordon L. Weil
Donald Trump’s first 100 days as president, a political
honeymoon, were a breeding ground for controversy.
You either believed that anything he did must be right or anything
he did must be wrong or went along for the ride, hoping for the best and fearing
the worst. Of course, some people are a
bit more selective, usually ending up saying they like what he is doing, but worry
about or plainly dislike his methods.
The result was what may be the most glorious presidential
honeymoon ever, based on his assertion that his policies had a single objective
– the triumph of MAGA. If he intended
to make America better, he deserved his chance.
While his policies might succeed, each contained elements of
its own failure.
On immigration, where he had promised not only to stop
illegal entries but also to purge the country of non-naturalized foreigners, he
picked low hanging fruit. If a foreign
student could easily be picked up off the street or an immigrant could be
nailed at a citizenship interview, their expulsion would add to the numbers he
wanted to achieve.
Clearly illegal entrants should be eligible for expulsion
when apprehended. Because they had violated
the immigration law, they could be promptly tossed out, he thinks. The constitutional right to due process,
available to virtually all people, should be denied in such cases, his aides
assert. They’re wrong; the president is not above the law, however inconvenient.
Tapping on the sentiment that government was both too big
and too unresponsive, Trump loosed Elon Musk on it. Reductions were not done surgically, but by a
bulldozer. The victims included science,
foreign aid, public health and the poor.
The savings are relatively small, but grossly inflated for the media,
and were done without following legal procedures.
Both immigration and government cuts face a myriad of court
challenges. Trump may count on courts stacked
with conservatives to approve his extraordinary assertion of presidential powers. He may face a constitutional conflict with
judges.
On trade, he claimed that huge tariff increases should
produce stunning results: reduced
imports, increased U.S. manufacturing and jobs, no price increases and acquiescence
by America’s trading partners and allies.
He seems to have been right on imports, but possibly on no other assertion.
To be sure, he will have some wins from his drastic
government cuts and his tax reductions and from backing off somewhat on
tariffs. But many of his moves harm constituencies
he needed to win, and the question is how they will react in next year’s
congressional elections.
However controversial, his ability to act by presidential
decree should continue, at least until the Supreme Court limits his discretion. Whether the Court does so, remains uncertain.
His free pass has been due to the almost total loyalty of
congressional Republicans. They seem to
accept his electoral win across the country as a mandate for the kind of presidential
power he wields. They may fear his retaliation
or agree with the trend toward authoritarian rule. To succeed, he must be able to count on the submissiveness
of the GOP.
Significantly, he may have to begin worrying about them. For the first time, they blocked
him. His nominee for U.S. Attorney
in D.C. failed because a single GOP senator opposed the appointment and was not
overridden by the Majority Leader, who could have allowed a floor vote.
But one key factor may make Trump politically vulnerable. More than any president before him, perhaps
more than all of them together, Trump uses the presidency for personal enrichment.
He proposes to accept a $400 million free airplane
from Qatar for use as Air Force One. He believes he deserves more luxury, and he impatiently
awaits Boeing’s delayed American made model.
Later, his administration would transfer the aircraft to his
presidential library, so he might continue using it. In short, Qatar is giving him a personal gift.
The violation of the constitutional ban on accepting such gifts
is hard to ignore. Qatar is buying influence. He may count on the possibility of no judicial
remedy beyond impeachment and conviction.
To make the plane electronically secure would cost taxpayers
hundreds of millions. And what about the
duplicate plane that is needed to foil potential attackers and serve as a
backup? Boeing is contracted for two
planes.
Add to this other Trump family profit-making
activities. The promotion of his bitcoin business could give foreign interests
access to him and perhaps a guided White House visit. What’s in it for the
U.S.? Or his sons promoting his businesses
in Qatar and other places where he might trade U.S. policy for lucrative favors?
If the Democrats become more adept campaigners than they
have been, they could make an issue of this potential corruption. Even if they like his policies, the GOP might
have a hard time justifying Trump’s self-enrichment, and some have already
expressed serious
concern.
Meanwhile, public opinion
polls reveal that his first 100 days were a political flop, comparing badly
with his predecessors’ early showings. He
may be losing political clout, perhaps providing little help to the GOP in next
year’s elections.
To paraphrase Churchill,
this may not be the end of his presidential honeymoon or even the beginning of
the end, but it could be the end of the beginning.
