Last
week the current American debate over the role of the federal
government echoed in Europe.
The
United Kingdom negotiated a deal allowing it to vote on remaining a
member of the European Union (EU).
The
EU is a voluntary group of states, like the U.S., but it is not a
fully federal. In Europe, no country is forced to join, but, unlike
this country, members may secede. Countries can quit the group and
go it alone, if they don’t like EU policies.
The
European situation recalls the pre-Civil War southern effort to allow
individual states the right of “nullification,” blocking the
effect of federal laws within their borders. Nullification was
rejected, because upon joining the Union, a state had to accept the
Constitution as it stood and the laws made under it.
In
Europe, states entering the EU negotiate special terms for
themselves. For example, even before its new deal, Britain kept its
own currency while other members either use or are expected to adopt
the euro as their currency.
The
difference between the systems on the two sides of the Atlantic may
be narrowing. As the power of the U.S. federal government is
reduced, more control could be left in the hands of state
governments.
If
that process is pursued, it could produce much the same result as
nullification. For example, some conservatives hope for a situation
in which some states could ban same-sex marriage or abortions, while
others did not.
Conservatives
are the driving force behind the moves to weaken both the EU and the
U.S. federal government. They stress national (Europe) or states’
(U.S.) rights over the benefits of common action on a wide range of
issues.
In
Europe, nationalistic movements are growing in many countries,
including France, Poland and Hungary. British Conservatives, the
ruling party, are split between pro-Europeans and an element
sensitive to the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party. One
might almost find their motto to be, “Make Britain Great Again.”
In
the U.S., one writer recently suggested, “the nation has become
Southernized just as much as the South has become nationalized.
Political conservatism, the traditional creed of the white South,
went from being presumed dead in 1964 to being a powerful force in
national politics.”
The
growth in anti-government conservatism, probably fueled somewhat by
the election of an African-American president, has paved the way for
at least one presidential candidate who is openly anti-Mexican,
anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant. He is positioned so far from the
center that, without embarrassment, he can support torture as an
instrument of national policy.
Europe
cannot come to grips with the problems of worker migration and a
flood of refugees, people who have different ethnic or cultural
backgrounds. Britain wants to offer fewer benefits to such people.
Right-wing parties in many European countries gain support by
opposing immigrants.
Similarly,
the U.S. cannot resolve the question of undocumented or illegal
immigrants who seek a better life and contribute to the economy, but
are believed to be seeking welfare benefits or causing crime.
Perhaps
more than any other, these problems fuel nationalism, causing people
who feel threatened by government to turn against the authorities
that allow immigration. This concern has probably become one of the
major wedge issues in American politics.
The
main question is whether people insist so strongly on their
individual or national rights that they are willing to sacrifice
benefits they obtain from central governments providing them services
that are otherwise impossible or uneconomic.
The
question is not easily answered. Both the EU and the U.S. federal
government have sometimes gone far in extending their power. Many EU
regulations go well beyond what is done federally in the U.S. The
Commerce Clause in the U.S. Constitution has been greatly extended.
These moves have made people uneasy.
As
the 2004 book called “What’s the Matter with Kansas?” showed,
many people vote against their own interests when they support
conservatives who want to reduce the role of government. These
voters believe their taxes are too high and government either is
deadlocked or flat wrong on social issues.
European
nationalists and many American conservatives share a rejection of
strong central government but they do not offer alternatives that
would produce the same results for people. Still, even if government
action would improve matters, some people rally to the
anti-government cause.
This
year, the British referendum and the U.S. elections might send a
message. On both sides of the Atlantic, voters are making a choice
between government, which has greatly disappointed them, and the
unknown.
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