A Washington Post column headlined last
week, “Now, Election Day is the only thing that matters.” Nice
thought, but not true.
The campaign runs until November 8, and
much will matter in the next five months. Here are some things to
watch for.
This is an “historic” election.
Since Lincoln, all U.S. presidents either previously held high
political office or served as a top Army commander. Donald Trump did
neither. Until Hillary Clinton, the U.S. has never had a woman
heading the ticket of a major party or as president.
It may also be historic if an effort is
mounted to dump or bump Trump. Could the Republicans find a way to
deny him their presidential nomination? If they could not dump him,
might he be bumped aside by a separate presidential campaign,
providing a political home to Republicans who cannot support him?
With the unfavorable ratings of both
major party candidates, alternatives may be pushed. One possibility
is the Libertarian Party, but the positions of many of its activists
against the Civil Rights Act and state-issued driver’s licenses may
rule it out as more than a protest.
Expect torrents of opinion polls, and
they will probably be wrong. The election is really 51 separate
elections, so the national polls mean little. And some people lie to
pollsters and many people refuse to participate, throwing off the
statistical value of surveys.
Better than polls, look at analyses
like “538” and the Princeton Election Consortium, which have been
excellent in picking presidential winners.
Beware of the pundits, who will comment
vigorously every day between now and Election Day, often relying on
weak polls. They have their audience, but they know little more than
the conventional wisdom of the moment.
Breathlessly awaited are the vice
presidential picks. They should tell voters much about how Clinton
and Trump view the race.
The speculation is that Clinton may
have to pick a liberal running mate with appeal for Bernie Sanders’
supporters. But she might reason those voters have nowhere else to
go and pick a somewhat more moderate veep candidate, hoping to
attract some unhappy GOP voters.
Trump supposedly needs a solid
Republican to appeal to skeptical party voters. His problem is
finding a viable candidate who will support his controversial
positions.
Then, there are the two national
conventions. Such gatherings, filled with thousands of docile
delegates and armies of bloggers, have ceased having any real
function. The primary-caucus system has neutered them.
Conventions are like reality programs,
but the event is pointless, often boring, and the viewer already
knows the winner. The media will hype them, but television coverage
will be far less than years ago. If you don’t watch, you won’t
miss much, except possibly somebody’s good speech.
Money matters. A major element of the
campaign is the dominant role of money. A close look at the campaign
commercials will reveal that many are not coming from the candidates
but from free-spending super-PACs.
Trump, who used a lot of his money and
his own staff in the primaries, is now looking for financial support.
The Republican National Committee may be a major source of help, but
will Trump have a super-PAC? Clinton has the backing of a major
super-PAC.
Mostly negative campaigns are likely.
Both candidates offer targets, though Trump’s are coming almost
daily. Voters will be urged, possibly more than ever, to vote
against, rather than for, candidates. That makes issues of
relatively little importance.
The two most positive selling points
are not issues. Clinton should get massive support as the first
potential woman president. And Trump supporters may overlook his
daily controversies, because they like his anti-establishment tone.
Perhaps the most important aspect of
the upcoming campaign will not be the presidential race itself but
its impact on congressional elections. Often, voters who turn out
for a presidential candidate also vote for congressional candidates
of the same party.
The GOP has many apparently vulnerable
U.S. Senate seats up for election this year. The Republicans cannot
achieve a filibuster-proof Senate majority; in fact, they may lose
even a simple majority.
In the House of Representatives, where
gerrymandering by state legislatures has led to more safe GOP seats,
the likely result is continued Republican control. Will fading GOP
moderates regain some strength, forcing their party to compromise
with the Senate and president?
In Maine, the Second District race
between Democrat Emily Cain and Republican incumbent Bruce Poliquin,
who has had difficulty resisting the GOP conservative pull, could be
a key election influenced by the presidential race.
No comments:
Post a Comment