The
income gap between the rich and everybody else is behind the growth
of populism in the U.S. and Europe, according to new political
analyses.
On
one side are the rich and on the other is the middle class. The poor
rarely are mentioned these days, either because it is disgraceful to
be poor or because government wants to cut back on helping them.
Deep
political divisions are likely to be about money. Many among the
rich want to keep it and get more, while everybody else treads water
or falls behind. Some who are losing out have become populists,
seeking political power in hopes of boosting their incomes.
Here’s
an example. Unemployed coal miners support President Trump’s push
to revive coal mining. It’s all about recovering jobs for miners
who have lost theirs to competing resources. It’s certainly not
about anybody’s preference for coal.
Complicating
the split is the fact that many people who say they are in the middle
class aren’t. “Stop pretending You’re Not Rich” was the
title of a recent commentary by Richard Reeves in the New York Times.
Reeves
grew up in class-conscious Britain but discovered classes were more
firmly established in the U.S. than there. In Britain, the upper
economic class flaunts their status, while in the U.S., the rich are
in denial.
The
wealthy are not only the now-famous top one percent who own more of
the economy than the bottom 90 percent. Some high-income people who
consider themselves members of the middle class are rich. They may
join in blaming the superrich for income inequality, but they have
gained more than the much larger, true middle class.
The
rich are a self-renewing group. While the American myth is that
people succeed based on merit, the rich pass on their privileged
opportunity to their children. There’s nothing wrong with that,
but it tends to create an upper class. They can gain access to
housing and the best schools. And they can benefit from special tax
breaks.
Writing
in London’s Financial Times, Edward Luce carries the theme further.
Somewhat surprisingly, he noted, “France has done a better job at
keeping its left-behinds above water than its Anglo-Saxon rivals
(U.S. and Britain).”
Working
age males are more likely to find jobs in France than in the U.S.
And the income gap is smaller there.
Luce’s
key point is that not only do the U.S. and the U.K. have a market
economy, but they also have a “market society.” We may consider
that system promotes “individual freedom,” but it means people
must fend for themselves. Some of the wealthy, while opposing big
government, have designed it to favor their pocketbooks.
This
split has spurred many of the less privileged to turn to movements
promising change and the kind of policies they want. For example,
they believe immigrants take good jobs, not merely entry-level
positions, away from them and want it stopped.
Trump’s
surprise electoral victory seemed to send the message that the
ignored middle-class was on the path to power and control. The
simple idea that Trump would bring change was enough to help him to
win.
In
Britain, anti-immigration voting led to Brexit, designed to stop
immigrants from Eastern Europe. In the Netherlands and France,
populists threatened to win the national elections, but failed. The
tough British Conservative Party position on Brexit and government
spending cost it a parliamentary majority.
Populism
has tapped into a belief that government overreaches. In response,
the president and the GOP Congress kill Obama’s rules on the
environment and consumer protection. But Trump struggles as he finds
keeping political promises is much harder than making them, even with
his party controlling Congress.
In
the Washington Post, Ishaan Tharoor writes that “right-wing
populists” are now in retreat. They have created chaos, the
columnist says, which is leading to a revival of interest in
government action on the economy, aimed at reducing inequality.
In
the Netherlands, France, Britain and Germany, right-wing populism has
been halted or pushed back. Nowhere has it brought back the middle
class, economically or politically.
Meanwhile,
social democrats like Bernie Sanders in the U.S. and Jeremy Corbyn in
the U.K. have been expanding participation. Recently, increased
support for Democratic in normally solid Republican congressional
districts has raised doubts about the much-heralded populist message
of the 2016 elections.
The
experiment with a “market society,” with as little government as
possible, is not producing the promised result of greater prosperity
for all. Will the political reaction against right-wing populism
taking place in Europe reach America’s shores?
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