Suppose
you ran a business and, when checking your employees’ job
performance, found they only got an average 20 percent score.
You
might decide that, with more employee effort or some new workers,
your business would run more successfully. You would probably
consider firing at least some of them.
Well,
you are the boss, and the people you have hired to run your business
only receive that low score. You are an American voter, and the
Congress you have elected only receives a favorable rating from about
one-fifth of voters. Democrats do better than the GOP, but both
parties score badly.
While
each party plays the blame game with the other about the federal
government shutdown, voters say they focus more on the inability of
Congress to produce any result. Partisan warfare has blocked
compromise. The majority GOP believes the Democrats should admit
defeat, while the Democrats try to use the little power they have.
The
Constitution places Congress first among the three branches of
government. Instead of playing its prime legislative role and
forcing presidents to decide to accept or reject bills it has passed,
legislators have turned over most of their power to the president.
Just
two days before the last government shutdown, GOP Senate Majority
Leader Mitch McConnell told the media, “As soon as we figure out
what he [Trump] is for, I would be convinced that we were not just
spinning our wheels.” In short, the GOP Senate majority leader
won’t lead, unless the president approves the plan in advance.
This
attitude makes the president both executive and legislature, leaving
Congress to try to come up with bills that please the White House.
In
this year’s version of that process, President Trump has made the
role of White House as legislator even more difficult by sending
highly conflicting messages about what he wants.
Arizona
GOP Sen. Jeff Flake, no friend of the president, concluded, “We
can’t wait for the White House anymore.”
Congress
should do its constitutional job and present the president with bills
produced in the normal legislative process, almost certainly with
some bipartisan support. Then, as a separate branch of government,
it would be in a stronger position to press the president not to veto
a bill, rather than assuming his veto in advance.
The
failure of Congress to function by producing legislation to send to
the White House is one reason why voters give it low grades. That
failure results from its virtually total focus on politics rather
than policy.
Members
of Congress believe they can win re-election if they push policies
that pander to their core constituents or can be sold to them by
simply being labeled authentically conservative or liberal.
What
they miss is what the polls always show. Most voters care more about
having a functioning government than about specific policies. That
view is especially true for independents, who can provide the margin
of victory in presidential or Senate elections.
These
swing voters may be ignored because many congressional districts are
designed to produce guaranteed winners. Through this
“gerrymandering” process, state legislatures create districts to
be won mostly by big GOP majorities. Members of Congress cater to
these pre-set majorities.
Instead
of functioning like the lead branch of government, as the
Constitution intends, Congress cares more about party positioning for
the next election than about passing urgently needed legislation.
Party
unity leads Republicans to try to please their president, though
Trump is turning out to be hard to please. But the GOP, despite its
earlier more constructive positions on immigration, now seems to be
falling in behind him on the issue. Still, they have trouble
following his daily moves on Twitter, and they don’t have enough
votes to win.
At
times, the Maine Legislature provides a better model. Because state
law requires both passing a budget and, usually, a bipartisan
two-thirds vote to adopt it, the Legislature can play its
constitutional role. Such bipartisanship will be under challenge
this election year.
Right
now, Republicans control the U.S. Senate and House as well as the
presidency. While not all Republicans agree, they may be capable of
reaching a broad consensus among a large majority of them. If they
then gave just a little ground to the Democrats, Congress could
function.
Having
control of both the presidency and Congress, the GOP risks being held
accountable for failing to produce results. With an erratic
president, who turned out not to be a dealmaker after all, Congress
is missing the chance to reassert its equality with the president.
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