Gordon L. Weil
“The ball’s in your court.”
This time-worn sentence meaning that you have the responsibility
now has taken on a new and strong meaning these days. Now, at widely separated places, the ball is
in the court – of a court.
Most familiar are the cases based on charges made against
former President Trump in criminal and civil case in federal and state
courts. Ultimately, many of them are
likely to end up before one tribunal – the U.S. Supreme Court.
Aside from the merits of these cases against Trump is the
effect of their proceedings and possible outcomes on his chances for nomination
by the Republican Party and election as president. The balls in these courts could not be more
important, perhaps even less for Trump’s actions than for his political
future. By inference, the decisions
could affect the country’s future.
Because these cases are so numerous, it is likely safe to say
that any one of them could produce court action any day. They provide the ongoing background for the
race to the White House.
The Trump cases help place the court system itself on trial.
The Supreme Court and some federal and state courts have become embroiled in
current politics, which puts them in focus.
Once having begun to make rulings on political issues, the courts seem
to be drawn ever more deeply into politics.
As this has happened, public confidence in the Supreme Court has fallen.
The American judicial system has made the Supreme Court the
ultimate authority on the meaning of the Constitution, a document whose application
to a situation unforeseen when it was written remains to be determined. Neither Congress nor the president have the
final say; the Court alone has the last word.
The result is that, under the U.S. system, final decisions
are made by unelected justices. And their views of just what is the last word
may change as rulings on race and abortion have shown.
While this situation is unlikely to change, it raises the
question of whether the politics of one generation can reach across decades to
later generations. Taking American
political evolution into account might reduce concerns about the politicization
of the Supreme Court. This becomes
increasingly an issue.
In other countries, the question of courts making the final
decision is now at the center of political controversy. In these countries – the United Kingdom and
Israel – there is no written constitution.
In the U.K., the government seeks to be able to transfer
asylum seekers after arrival in its jurisdiction to the country of Rwanda in
Africa. But its Supreme Court has ruled
that the U.K. agreement with Rwanda would force Britain to violate
international agreements that have been adopted by its Parliament.
The British system gives the final word to Parliament and
not to the Supreme Court. In the absence of a constitution, the Supreme Court
must accept acts of Parliament and cannot overturn them.
Now, the government has passed a new law to overrule the
U.K.’s previous acceptance of some international human rights treaties. That would prevent the Supreme Court from
applying those treaties, and the Rwanda deal could proceed. By overruling treaties, the U.K. could damage its international
credibility.
A similar situation has arisen in Israel. For many years, the Supreme Court has determined
if laws meet a standard of “reasonableness” and, if not, they may be
overturned. Certain laws are deemed to
be basic and, generally, they may not be overturned.
The Knesset or Israeli Parliament has passed a law stripping
the Supreme Court of the ability to use “reasonableness” and emphasizing the
authority of the Parliament to have the last word on the law. The Supreme Court has overruled this basic
law as not meeting the rule of reasonableness.
The issue is sure to continue to be contested.
The America, British and Israeli situations revealed that
determining who has the last word on the law is a major, unresolved political
issue. In the U.S., some solutions aim
at finding ways to promote changes in the Supreme Court’s composition, while
respecting life tenure of judges and trying to reduce its direct political
involvement.
A panel at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences has
proposed that justices serve on the Supreme Court for 18 years and then,
without losing their standing, serve only on federal courts of appeals. Justice David Souter of New Hampshire has
done almost exactly that.
I have proposed the appointment of temporary additional
justices as have been used on other federal courts. They temporarily increase the size of the
court and then fill vacancies as hey occur, restoring the original number. Meanwhile, they can help with the workload
and the court’s balance.
Either of these changes can increase the chances that the Supreme Court can be more frequently renewed.
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