Gordon L. Weil
“The economy, stupid.”
That phrase, posted by strategist James Carville in Bill
Clinton’s 1992 campaign headquarters, has entered American political mythology
as a revelation of dazzling brilliance and simplicity.
It isn’t. It’s an
eternal political truth; campaigns are always about the economy, though that’s not
always recognized.
Inflation is the immediate problem. Reacting to voter unhappiness with prices under
the Biden presidency, Trump promised: “Starting on day one, we will end
inflation and make America affordable again, to bring down the prices of all
goods.” Apparently, many voters, having lost
faith in the Democrats, believed him.
Yet, inflation in September was higher than in the last full
month of the Biden administration. Trump
runs the risk of facing the same kind of voter frustration with prices that
brought him to office.
He asserts that the economy is sound, and people will soon
see that he has kept his campaign promise.
Of course, that’s not quite the same as the “day one” promise.
Trump may claim that all is well and getting better for
several reasons. The stock market is
soaring, and he may see it as a good representative of the national economy. Yet its performance might reflect excess optimism
about the rapid deployment of AI, which may not happen. If that bubble bursts, it could harm both the
market and the economy.
He may also be only looking at a slice of the American
public. Surveys suggest that Republicans,
the wealthiest people and investors are positive about the economic
outlook. But they are out of step with everybody
else. While they wield great economic
power, they are not the mass of voters.
Trump’s tariff policy contributes to inflation, though not as
quickly as foreseen in some dire forecasts. His team takes credit for the
limited early impact, ignoring the lags inherent in economic change, and that
inflation will thus increase as the months roll by. Importers will absorb less of higher tariffs than
at the outset, with more costs being passed on to consumers.
By applying across-the-board tariffs, Trump failed to take
account of American dependence on certain products that cannot be replaced by U.S.
production. Big price increases have occurred
in coffee, women’s clothing and electronics.
Seeing the trend, he has begun lowering some agricultural tariffs. There may be more reductions to come.
When President Reagan took office facing high inflation, he left
it to the Federal Reserve to take the unpleasant measures needed to lower it. The policy amounted to saying it will hurt
more before it gets better. Reagan
remained blameless, while the Fed raised interest rates. The Fed tamed inflation, but caused much pain
in doing it.
By contrast, Trump has plunged in and tried to get the Fed
to cut interest rates, which he argues will promote growth. His pressure may have influenced the Fed, slowing
a reduction in inflation. To the extent
that his policy fails, Trump, unlike Reagan, may get the blame.
Housing is a special problem, with demand exceeding supply. Inevitably, that scarcity drives up
prices. One underlying factor is that by
eliminating immigration, the government has cut labor force growth needed for housing
construction.
The tariff policy has also had an unanticipated rebound
effect. The U.S. may cut imports and
bring production home, but it may lose exports due to retaliation. After U.S. auto tariffs forced two American
carmakers to close some Canadian production, Canada removed a tariff-free
exemption on some of their exports to its market, costing the carmakers solid
sales.
One key to Trump’s approach is his heavy reliance on
cheerleading to overcome people’s worries about the economy. An old song included this line: “Wishing are
the dreams we dream when we're awake.”
Unlike the song’s lyrics, wishing won’t make it so. Trump offers dreams more than paycheck reality. People pay the price at the check-out counter,
an experience that Trump may have missed.
No amount of telling them that it will soon be better, without evidence
for the claim, can change the higher costs that people pay. Dreams can become nightmares.
Trump’s problem, one he shares with many others who have occupied
the White House, is in taking responsibility for the state of the economy. This overstates presidential influence; the
economy is usually influenced by a myriad of factors outside of their control.
In this case, however, Trump’s trade, immigration and Fed games
have put him squarely in the game. He
exudes confidence in these initiatives, while they produce uncertainty and come
up short on promised results.
Even if he abruptly alters policies, the inevitable economic
lag will mean the effects of his past moves will be felt next year. In short, he has handed Democrats a major issue
to boost their 2026 congressional campaigns.
The economy, stupid.
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