Bellwether election coming up
One May race could tell it all
Gordon L. Weil
Is he a good Republican?
Reject Obamacare?
Check. Close Department of
Education? Check. Loosen gun control? Check. Claim global warming is pseudoscience? Check.
Balance the budget? Check.
That’s Thomas Massie, the Republican House member from
Kentucky’s Fourth District. He’s an 84 percent
backer of President Trump, while Maine GOP Sen. Susan Collins, classified as a
moderate, backs him 96 percent. That
makes him a despised rebel.
Trump backs a well-financed candidate challenging Massie in
the May
19 primary. The president now defines
what it means to be a Republican and will tolerate no independence. If successful, Massie’s rival could help end
the president’s political heartburn.
The race comes down to Massie versus Trump. It will be a test of Trump’s popularity among
Republicans and if the traditional budget-balancing party, the classic
conservative GOP, still exists and can make a comeback. The district is solid red, so its vote will
take the pulse of Republican support.
Massie, like Kentucky U.S. Senator Rand Paul, is a
libertarian. Like Paul, he is true to
his beliefs and is closely aligned with deep conservatism. Government should do less, a lot less, and
sharply cut the mounting national debt.
If that means no aid to Israel, no Iran war, little foreign involvement,
that’s all right. Just not with Trump.
The primary represents a test for Trump of his own
choosing. He demands and usually gets
total loyalty from GOP House members. In
the first year of his second term, Trump appeared to enjoy unlimited and
complete power. Massie’s opposition has
mostly been annoying, though he led in getting some of the Epstein papers made
public. Most House Republicans treat him
as a pariah.
But the corruptive force of Trump’s power is challenging his
hold on the party and the country.
Part of Trump’s 2024 electoral success depended on his
making inroads into traditional Democratic constituencies. Some of his actions have harmed the interests
of social and ethnic groups, which split to support him. Their disappointment may now emerge as a
barometer of his standing. At the same
time, Democrats who did not vote in 2024 may also rejoin their party.
His purification of the Republican Party by discrediting and
defeating traditionalists pushes away potential supporters. They have sustained his policies, but will
they begin to respond to voter concerns and become more independent of Trump’s
threats as the campaigns progress? He
should have cause for concern.
His failure to tame inflation, a major factor in his
victory, affects middle-class voters who backed him because of his cost-cutting
promises.
His attack on the pope and his self-portrayal as Jesus has
aroused open opposition among religious conservatives.
His obvious discrimination against Blacks and women,
beginning with the dismissal of the Chair of the Joint Chiefs, a Black, and the
head of the Navy, a woman, has offended some in these large constituencies and
may lead to increased opposition.
His abuse of the law by demanding the prosecution of his
political opponents, going back to the 2020 elections, creates discomfort.
His indifference to Ukraine accompanied by his inexplicable Russian
sympathies, his attempt to take Greenland from Denmark, an ally, and, contrary
to his promise, his launching the Iran war without consulting Congress or
American allies have all faced strong opposition.
His trade policy and his absurd desire to make Canada the
51st state has imposed new costs on American consumers and manufacturers.
His family’s unprecedented and open enrichment by
benefitting from his policies and foreign friendships displeases people.
Taken together, these concerns have raised questions even
among his core backers that he is losing mental acuity and focusing almost
entirely on his personal reputation and legacy.
The prospects for the next two and a-half years are not positive.
If the Massie election reveals GOP disaffection from Trump,
it could help elect traditional Republican backers elsewhere, enabling them to
gain more influence. In Congress, that
could loosen Trump’s virtually total control and promote compromise. Trump could be forced to deal with his skeptics
and opposition.
Conventional wisdom is that the Democrats should hammer
affordability and back away from more controversial issues favored by
progressives. Yet it’s possible that any
Democratic vote, moderate or progressive, helps the party, because it is united
in its opposition to Trump.
Increasingly, Trump is making himself into the 2026 campaign
issue, above even immigration, taxation or Iran. If Massie wins the Kentucky primary
convincingly, that could signal a strong rejection of his MAGA politics.
Looming over this scene is the specter of Hungary’s landslide
defeat of right-wing Premier Viktor Orban, who indulged in the same style of
governing as Trump. It would be an
almost impossible stretch for the Democrats to gain two-thirds control of
Congress as did Orban’s opposition, but they could put the brakes on Trump.
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