Friday, March 21, 2025

U.S. becomes economic island; Trump's tax increase

 

Gordon L. Weil

In his avalanche of actions, President Trump has adopted an across-the-board tax increase. Like many of his other moves, he should have asked Congress to approve, but he chose to act on his own.

He is using powers meant for a true national emergency to radically increase tariffs as he launches his personal view of trade policy and seeks to use trade as a weapon against other countries, both friends and allies. 

Trump’s trade policy is aimed at making the U.S. economically self-sufficient.  The rest of the world sells more to the U.S. than America sells to them.  Trump charges they profit because they cheat.  In his view, the U.S. buys imports at rigged, low prices, rewarding countries that use their profits from enormous U.S. sales to subsidize their own economies.

He uses tariffs to force up the price of imports.  As import prices rise, higher cost American goods can compete.  In fact, U.S. producers may be able to raise their prices.  After claiming he would restore the economy and combat high prices, he has admitted that prices will rise because of his tariff policy and the country might face a recession. That’s hardly what he promised.

Higher prices are the taxes he imposes to finance his notion of the proper role of tariffs.  But the price is wrong. And Congress did not give the president emergency authority to use tariffs as he does and effectively raise taxes.

The U.S. is the world’s only economic superpower, for the time being at least, and Trump takes advantage of its strength to remedy what he sees as the victimization of the U.S. and to force other countries into line.  By his unchecked action, he raises prices. That has the exact same effect as if Congress had raised taxes to support a new policy.

Trump’s view fairly recognizes that traditional free trade does not always work.  Countries must have market economies where buying and selling are free for free trade to work.  But some countries that benefit from the low tariffs that are part of free markets have state-run economies that allow them to take unfair advantage of the system.

Take China, the worst offender.  Robert Lighthizer, Trump’s trade guru, correctly opposed China’s admission to the tariff-cutting World Trade Organization, because of its state-run system.  It became a WTO member by lying about its intentions.  Countries like China have made a mockery of free trade, but U.S. consumers lap up their lower cost goods.

Higher consumer costs are not the biggest problem.  Underlying Trump’s policy are several economic assumptions that have been disproven.

Much trade is based on economic efficiency, with countries specializing in production where they are strong. Trade naturally favors exchanges among countries selling what they are best at producing and buying from others whose goods are better or cheaper than their own.  That’s an efficient division of trade.

Trump complains that most other countries are using the system to take unfair advantage of the U.S.  That ignores the role of consumers in a market economy.  A nation’s import-export balance usually results more from what its domestic market wants than the trade treachery of others.

The U.S. depends on some countries for essential resources, like rare earths, uranium and even some types of oil.  A tough trade policy can get in the way of meeting essential needs.  As an alternative to easing trade policy, Trump pressures Ukraine to become a major low-cost supplier of rare minerals supposedly to repay American aid to its defense against the Russian invasion.

The Trump trade policy also ignores the reaction of other countries.  He assumes they will have to accept the loss of sales to American competitors.  He has argued they will pay more tariff revenues that will fatten the federal budget, though he increasingly recognizes that those revenues will ultimately come from American consumers when they pay higher prices.

He has little obvious concern whether, faced with American protectionism, foreign governments will reject his “beggar thy neighbor” policy.  But they retaliate, trying to reduce their U.S. imports and to punish the U.S. for its tariff increases.  The U.S. itself then retaliates. This spiral is the essence of a trade war.

Finding the U.S. an unreliable trading partner, other countries are likely to seek new trade relationships. The world economy can be reshaped if Trump persists.  For example, Canada could consider joining the EU customs union to replace its former free-trade relationship with the U.S.

As world commerce reconfigures, the U.S. dollar would lose influence as the most accepted reserve currency.  With that loss goes much of American economic power in the world.  

The political equivalent of protectionism is isolation and the loss of world power.  That could happen if Trump’s “America First” turns the country into an economic island.


Sunday, March 16, 2025

Trump wrong about EU


Gordon L. Weil

President Donald Trump says the EU was “formed in order to screw the United States.”

This statement is both a gross misstatement and a demonstration of his ignorance of history.  It is either the result of intentionally distorting history or the sign of a seriously faulty memory. He insists on using his incorrect claim as the pretext for levying high tariffs on imports from Europe.

I am an eyewitness to the fact that Trump’s assertion is false.  I played a role in the relationship between the U.S. and the EU.

After World War II, leaders in the U.S., Britain, France and Germany agreed to seek ways to prevent yet another clash between Germany and France that could again lead to world war.  They were determined to find a formula that would make such a conflict impossible.

The solution was to intertwine the economies of Germany, France and other European countries so that they would be unable to develop an independent ability to build a war machine.  Even more important, the joint European undertaking would be based on democratic principles, with decisions being made in an organization that could, in many cases, overrule nationalistic action.

That formula worked.  Year by year, new forms of economic integration were adopted.  Eventually, a single market was created where goods and services and even workers could freely move.  As more nations joined, they established the world’s largest trading unit.   It operates along many of the same lines as the U.S. market.

American policy was consistently supportive of the Europeans’ efforts.  The emerging Europe would adopt the principles of democratic liberalism.  Not only could Europe refrain from conflict in which the U.S. would inevitably become entangled, but it could become a powerful ally in facing the aggressive policies of the Soviet Union.

Among Europe’s efforts to create unity was the establishment of a graduate school where the future leaders of the EU and its member countries could study, socialize and develop shared outlooks on common challenges.  As an American, I was selected to attend this school in the hope that I would represent American democratic values.

I would later become the sole American on the staff of the European Commission, the international body responsible for adopting continent-wide policies.  It was not difficult to explain to the American media the details of the new European decisions that were usually quite compatible with Washington’s policies.

The leadership of the State Department was favorable to the European effort and supportive in almost all cases.  I was able to serve as a non-diplomatic link between European and American leaders.

The high point came at a meeting between President Lyndon B. Johnson and Walter Hallstein, the president of the European Commission.  I was present with them in the White House Oval Office when they met to confirm their mutual interest in trans-Atlantic cooperation.  Clearly, Europe was not out to “screw” the U.S.

Of course, the U.S. and Europe would each promote their own economic interests, just as any country would.  Instead of going to war, they entered negotiations to find workable arrangements.  These talks took the form of the Kennedy Round of trade negotiations, named in honor of the late American president.

I became an American journalist, reporting to the Washington Post and other publications on the Kennedy Round and European unification. While the negotiations often focused on specific sectors, the goal was to find a balance of interests.  Each side should be able to end up with a deal that was beneficial to it.

The solution was to increase trans-Atlantic trade by lowering tariffs and non-tariff barriers.  In launching the negotiations, President Kennedy had recalled that “a rising tide lifts all boats.”  By lowering tariffs on both sides to increase trade, everybody could benefit.  The Kennedy Round succeeded.

This is the history that proves Trump wrong on both the facts and the policy.  The creation of the EU was not hostile to the U.S.  While the U.S. has a trade deficit today with the EU, the solution is more likely to be Kennedy’s “rising tide” than punching holes in the bottom of the boat. 

Friday, March 14, 2025

Democrats accept 'losers' label

 

Gordon L. Weil

Donald Trump likes to acclaim winners (often himself) and scorn losers.  If you are a “loser,” he holds you in contempt.

After last November’s elections, the Democrats were losers.  They saw control of the federal government go to President Trump, the Trump Republican Party in Congress and a Supreme Court majority openly sympathetic to him. 

Joe Biden led them to being losers.  The Democratic Party remained loyal to him and his policies when he should have stepped aside to allow the party to renew itself through primaries to choose younger leaders.   By clinging to the unrealistic belief that he was the only person who could defeat Trump, he was the Pied Piper who led the Democrats over the cliff.

Even worse, the Democrats see themselves as losers.  They haven’t recovered or developed a coherent response to Trump.  They cling to the hope of an eventual return to their policies as the American people come to see his flaws.  Perhaps, but meanwhile his “losers” label sticks.

They seem to accept it.  Their sign-waving in the face of a triumphant Trump at his speech to Congress was embarrassingly pathetic.   Their reaction to Trump’s extreme and ill-informed policies did not look like the response of a still powerful political party.  Opposition by Senate Democrats to the budget bill approving Trump’s actions was a more positive sign.

Possibly to avoid giving any potential presidential candidate an advantage, the party has not designated a spokesperson to take on Trump.  That has left the Democrats’ image in the hands of two leaders from Brooklyn, N.Y., Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

Neither of them has proved to be charismatic or capable of launching a sustained response to Trump.  Legislative leadership, more important inside the Washington Beltway than across the country, is not enough.  The Democrats should have a forceful, informed and younger person speak for them. 

Their voice need not be a member of Congress, but that person should be ready now.  Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg could fill the bill.

Clinton strategist and would-be Democratic wise man, James Carville, proposed that his party should “roll over and play dead.”  Do nothing and allow the Trump Republicans to self-destruct.  The Democrats could then pick up the pieces. That strategy says almost nothing about how they would reassemble those pieces.

The Democrats need a coherent and comprehensive answer to Trump. They should hold a mini-national convention to compensate for the lack of an open party process last year.  In reviving the party, the task of defining Democratic policies cannot be left to random pop-up leaders.

They risk being unable to agree.  They should recognize that a common goal – taming Trump – matters more than forcing their agendas into a hotly contested platform.  For their unifying message, they could adopt the motto, “the greatest good of the greatest number” and declare that equal respect for every person is an essential element of the greatest good. 

People should be treated as citizens of the country that is theirs and not as subjects of a presidential government that has taken control of the country.  The Democrats need to stress that the government serves the values, interests and needs of all people, not only those who voted for the latest presidential winner.

Their focus must be the congressional elections next year.  The president’s party usually loses seats at the midterm elections. That should cost the GOP control of the House.  But the Senate is a major challenge.  A majority is possible, but tough.  A veto-proof majority could only be obtained with some Republican senators. 

Getting GOP Senator Susan Collins to commit to independence from Trump should be the central element of next year’s campaign in Maine.  If she supports his excesses, her claim to being a moderate and not a Trumper could be exposed and make her vulnerable.

Trump threatens to unseat potential GOP dissenters, possibly exposing them to personal threats and attacks.  If public service means more than sitting in Congress, now is the time for the best leaders to take risks.  Otherwise, the political system may disappear beneath their feet, leaving little need for their public service.

The U.S. needs a functioning two-party system.  The parties have had sharply different views about good public policy, but have shared a commitment to the system.  The Republican Party is no longer the clear conservative voice; it is the Trump maga-phone.  The Democrats are drifting, leaderless and dispirited.

The Democrats should offer a political alternative to Trump that can win elections in a country that wants cooperation but cannot compromise.  They must lift the level of their politics above outbursts of frustration, bouts of depression, and disunity.  Otherwise, they will share responsibility with the GOP for the country’s decline.