Where
have all the moderates gone?
A
recent survey, from a reputable source during a time of doubtful
polls, found that 35 percent of voters consider themselves moderate.
Some lean toward each major party, while 19 percent say they are
truly independent.
Who
is a moderate? There’s clearly no moderate political philosophy.
Instead, a moderate is a person who sometimes agrees with
conservative policies and sometimes agrees with liberal policies.
Maine
Republican Sen. Susan Collins is widely regarded as a moderate, one
of a vanishing few in the U.S. Senate. Her voting pattern proves the
point.
One
day in early December, she voted against a bill to prevent people on
the government’s terrorism no-fly list from buying guns. On the
same day, she voted against a bill to gut Obamacare and defund
Planned Parenthood.
On
the first vote, she aligned with GOP conservatives, and on the
second, she lined up with Democratic liberals. That’s what gains
her the moderate label.
But
her willingness ever to oppose GOP positions may impose a political
price. Though she has much greater seniority than many of her fellow
Republican senators, she heads a much less influential committee than
some of them. Perhaps she sees her Committee on Aging as being
important to Maine, the oldest state.
Her
position on the two bills reveals a problem for moderates. Instead
of following a set policy menu, they deal with issues a la carte.
That makes it more difficult to assemble a reliable moderate voting
group.
The
current Republican presidential campaign emphasizes the
ineffectiveness of the moderates. In the unusually large field,
possibly only two candidates – Ohio Gov. John Kasich and former
Florida Gov. Jeb Bush – could position themselves as moderates.
If
the polls are remotely close to accurate, Republicans are not
connecting with either. Bush has moved to the right, repositioning
himself as a conservative. Kasich is perhaps the only outlier from
the field, apparently betting that he will pick up support as the GOP
comes to recognize that he’s their best bet to win the general
election.
It
is widely believed that the nominee selection process in both parties
is dominated by their extremes, hardcore conservative or liberal.
Republican conservatives reject any candidate straying from complete
loyalty to their positions, which may explain why Kasich is not
catching on.
Why
can the extremes take control of the process? After all, they
probably do not account for a majority of party supporters.
The
answer is the indifference of the majority. Whether people believe
that nothing they do matters or simply don’t care about their
government, most people do not participate in the caucus and primary
process to select nominees.
The
absence of most party supporters in the process leaves the
opportunity for well-motivated, ideology driven extremes to capture
control of the choice of the party nominee. In short, moderates
don’t show up and total turnout remains small.
The
process itself may sometimes favor participation by only small
numbers. Take the Iowa caucuses, scheduled for February 1.
Relatively few voters will participate in these caucuses, and their
choice is far from certain to be the ultimate nominee. Still, the
caucuses can provide candidates a big public relations splash.
The
process in the Democratic Party seems less likely to be controlled by
an extreme liberal element this time. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders
wants to galvanize enough liberals to dominate the selection process.
But most Democrats support former Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton, who may come across as more of a moderate.
The
general election is considered the great corrective to the faults of
a nomination process that pays little heed to the supposed moderate
center. While voters may not be enthusiastic about their options,
they might support a candidate who seems closer to the center.
That
could explain why Clinton, with lukewarm support by many Democrats,
looks like a winner when compared with leading GOP hopefuls. And it
may explain why Kasich and perhaps Bush hang on, hoping to emerge as
the winning alternative to Clinton.
The
success of Donald Trump and hardcore conservatives might indicate all
of these calculations are wrong.
Suppose
discontent with government and fear of terrorism have driven large
numbers of voters to the right. If that were happening, then the
country would shift from center-right policies to hardcore
conservatism.
In
that case, we could discover the moderate ranks in American politics
have shrunk to near invisibility. And, if that is not true, the
moderates’ influence depends on their showing up to participate in
the political process.
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