Electronic legislative proceedings
would revive 'checks and balances'
Gordon L. Weil
We have three branches of government –
legislative, executive and judicial.
Except we don't. The coronavirus
killed one.
The executive branch is fully in charge
of the government. The courts are open to deal with the most urgent
matters. Congress and the Legislature are shut tight.
While all three branches are equal and
can keep a check on one another, constitutions assign the leading
role to legislative bodies. They make the laws, setting the agenda
and terms of government for the other two branches. They represent
the people and can prevent any excesses of the executive. But not
now.
The president and key executive
personnel are at work. So is the governor and her officials.
Federal and state courts are open and can operate. Federal courts
have moved to “video teleconferencing” for many matters.
Meanwhile, legislators are at home and the legislative halls are
almost empty.
The reason is the national Covid-19
crisis, demanding rapid government action. The executive branch is
compact, with most key players in a single location. It can react
quickly. Though the courts usually do not need to act as rapidly,
they can function when necessary, because most courts consist of a
single judge.
To deal with the emergency, legislative
bodies cede their oversight powers to the executive branch. They
write blank checks.
At the the federal level, Congress
authorized emergency moves to fund essential services and rescue the
economy. At the state level, the Maine Legislature gave the
governor what might seem, at other times, like near-dictatorial
powers.
By these actions, the legislative
bodies gave up any pretense of checking the conduct of the executive,
much less limiting it. In a major emergency, it seems that “checks
and balances” are among the victims.
To be sure, we cannot expect hundreds
of legislators to “shelter in place” in capitol cities so they
can promptly go into session. Nor can we expect them to crowd into
legislative chambers, where physical separation is not possible,
placing themselves in direct danger.
But neutering legislative oversight in
time of crisis comes to modern America right out of the 18th
Century, when the Constitution was written on the understanding that
the federal government would take a multi-month break every year.
Obviously, that is no longer true.
If we have come to understand that
legislative bodies need to meet almost year round, why can't that
thinking also apply to emergencies? For much of history, there has
been no practical way to do it.
But now there is. The internet was invented in the U.S. with
Department of Defense funding. It opened the way to a new world of
communications. Why can't the U.S. again lead the world by
developing its use for legislative purposes?
Legislative bodies could meet using
electronic means. All members can see and hear one another, whether
in a legislative committee or the full body. Though it is not the
time for routine legislation, committees could exercise oversight and
consider emergency measures. Electronic voting is easy and can be
kept secure.
In the 21st Century, that
would not be a “virtual” meeting, it would be the real thing.
It's time to drop “virtual.” (Aside: It is also time to drop
saying that the broad and rapid transmission of a single item means
it is going “viral.”)
Critics could claim that there would be
no real debate among members when they were voting from distant
locations. It is difficult for anybody to keep a straight face in
saying that. Just watch C-SPAN.
There is no debate, at least in
Congress. Not a single member is swayed by what is said during floor
debate. It's all stagecraft, designed to create content for the
media back home. If anybody is swayed, it's when a member talks with
a lobbyist. Or their staff assistant. Or through bilateral contact
with a legislative ally.
In the era of extreme partisanship,
most members follow the party line. That's what gives leaders so
much power. And with well-defined ideologies, members know almost
reflexively how to vote.
The development of the electronic
legislature should be a product of the current crisis. Now, here's a
suggestion that might validly come from Al Gore, burdened with the
false charge that he claimed to have invented the internet. He was a
House and Senate member and winner of the Nobel Prize.
Congress and the Legislature could
elect a small, representative group of their members to remain in
session. Instead of having a blank check, the president or governor
would have to report to this group before taking extraordinary
action. The group could either assent, negotiate or call the
legislative body back into electronic session.
These changes can be accomplished
through the rules legislative bodies adopt. It's time to update how
legislatures do their business.
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