One of the biggest American exports these days is democracy,
but it’s a product that isn’t doing very well.
Almost as soon as opposition to a dictatorship appears, the
U.S. supports “regime change,” supposedly helping rebels to replace the despot
with democracy.
The list of failures of this effort is depressingly
long. It includes Russia, Afghanistan,
Iraq, Libya, Egypt, Syria, and Pakistan.
Americans seem to think it self-evident that a
representative democracy – a republic – is the best form of government for any
nation. When people throw off
authoritarian rule, we believe they should do the most natural thing and adopt
a republican form of government.
But democracy is difficult.
You need only look at the current Washington conflicts over what the
U.S. Constitution means in its practical application to matters ranging from the
Affordable Care Act to voting rights to see how even a mature republic still
struggles.
A look at countries where democracy has failed to take root
after the overthrow of a dictatorship teaches some lessons.
Russia has no democratic history. But, with the collapse of the Soviet Union,
the United States and others countries took it for granted that it would
install democratic institutions.
While Russia may have adopted the appearance of popular
control of the government, it has become clear that the Russian people prefer
an authoritarian rule allowing them some limited freedoms. A majority likes President Putin, largely
because he is a throwback to paternalistic control under the czars.
Afghanistan sheltered Al Qaeda terrorists, which justified
American military action to root them out.
But the U.S. has engaged in its longest war ever to stamp out opposition
and install democracy, so far without success.
The problem in this case is that Afghanistan has never
really been a country. A collection of
regions dominated by warlords, it, too, has no democratic traditions or even a
truly national identity. The net result
of 13 years of war may be no improvement over the U.S. staying for only 13
months and with more limited goals.
The only surviving justification for the American war on
Iraq is that we toppled Saddam Hussein, a ruthless dictator. But he was no threat to the U.S., because it
turned out he wasn’t lying when he said he had no weapons of mass destruction.
Democracy has not been a success there, thanks to a
government that has sought to crush or exclude those who backed Saddam, rather
than adopting an inclusive system. The
new regime has provoked a violent and even more ruthless reaction by those it
mistreated.
In Libya and Syria, the U.S. led the efforts to dump
dictators. But what was the expectation
from the replacement regimes?
In Libya, President Gaddafi had already disposed of nuclear
weapons and sought more cooperation with the West. His replacement is a failed country that has
no functioning government and warlord justice.
The chaos of Syria’s civil war opened the door to the
involvement of regional terrorists, providing them a new base of operations. It proved impossible to know whom among the
rebels to back, as the U.S. sought to avoid funneling weapons to terrorists
while backing the rebels.
In Egypt, the fall of President Mubarak opened the way to
elections, but this democratic exercise produced control by the Muslim
Brotherhood, which then promptly tried to squash democracy and roll over anybody
who did not support it.
In Pakistan, while there has been the appearance of
democracy, the country is obviously run by the military and intelligence
services. Much of the massive military
aid supplied to Pakistan can flow through these services to America’s
foes. And the Pakistani military
obviously sheltered Osama bin Laden.
Democracy cannot itself be the policy objective, though it may
be the right tool to reach political and strategic goals. But achievable goals must come first.
And the U.S. needs to do more than roll the dice and trust
that democracy will inevitably produce positive results. Is the opposition capable of creating a viable
government? Is it likely to adopt policies
compatible with American objectives?
The U.S. should consider the country and its history. Will the people welcome democracy? Do they have any experience with democratic
rule? Is authoritarian government, despite
being less satisfactory by our standards than democracy, more likely to produce
benefits for its people and the U.S.?
The lessons learned so far seem clear. A supposedly democratic regime is not an end
it itself. If “regime change” will
produce chaos, the abrupt imposition of a system with no roots is not the best
idea.
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