Two Native Americans, fired from their jobs at a rehab center
because their blood tested positive for mescaline, applied for unemployment
benefits. Despite explaining the drug
resulted from their religious use of peyote, they were rejected.
They sued the state of Oregon, and their case went to the
U.S. Supreme Court. Though it recognized
the religious use of peyote by some Native Americans, the court rejected their
appeal. It said benefits would be denied
to anybody with mescaline in their blood, so the Indians were not subject to
religious discrimination.
The Court’s decision relied on a standard that had evolved
over decades, allowing religious beliefs to be overridden, so long as the law
applied equally and did not target certain religions.
When members of Congress learned of this case, virtually all
of them agreed that this interpretation of government power went too far in
denying religious rights. So, in 1993,
Congress almost unanimously adopted the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.
Under this law, there must be a “compelling government
interest” that justifies overruling religious practices. Mere neutral application of a law was no
longer enough.
The general effect of the new law was to “restore” (hence
the use of the word “restoration”) an older Supreme Court decision and
invalidate the later interpretation that made it easier for government to overrule
religious beliefs.
Congress also said that this requirement would apply to
actions by both federal and states governments. In 1997, the Supreme Court ruled that the
constitutional provision allowing the federal government to impose standards on
states did not cover this law.
A state could pass its own version of this law to ensure
that its government accorded the same respect to religious belief as the
federal government. Some, but not all,
states enacted such laws.
Religious freedom is guaranteed in the First Amendment to
the Constitution. Like other protections
of the Bill of Rights, it is a right to be free from excessive government
interference. As matters now stand,
government can only impinge on religious rights if there is a “compelling
government interest” – an interest higher than unfettered religious practice.
The law came before the Supreme Court again in the Hobby
Lobby case. Hobby Lobby is a company
owned by just a few people, whose religious belief opposes abortion. They did not want to provide abortion
coverage in their health insurance program or even to tell employees where else
they could get such coverage without charge.
In 2014, the Court said that, because the employees could
get the coverage, the company should not be forced to provide it or inform them
of its availability. In other words, there
was no “compelling government interest,” because an alternative existed that
left the owners’ religious beliefs untouched.
Since the adoption of RFRA, some have interpreted it to mean
they could refuse to obey any law they claimed was contrary to their religious
belief. They would not have to seek
judicial approval for their action. The
government would have to take them to court if it thought they could be forced
to act because of a significant government interest.
To some, this development opened the door to
“nullification,” the ability of people to refuse to obey the law, simply
because they asserted a conflicting religious principle. Thus, RFRA became part of the arsenal of
weapons to be used by people who thought government had become too powerful.
The underlying conflict emerged when Indiana passed its own
version of the law. The state has no anti-discrimination
law and hence no resulting “compelling government interest,” as do the United
States and most other states, allowing it to limit a claim of religious rights.
Opponents charged Indiana had enacted a license to
discriminate and to resist government.
Gays and lesbians protested against the Indiana action. Some national and state Republican leaders
stated clearly that the purpose of the law was to allow businesses to deny at
least certain services or products to homosexuals.
After a national outcry, in which major businesses opposed
the new law, Indiana retreated and modified the law to ensure it could not be
used to discriminate against LGBT.
Still, what had happened in the 22 years since the law was
adopted was that it had shifted from a limit on government to a new right for
individuals to refuse to obey the law.
Some states are considering simply refusing to apply federal
laws they do not like. RFRA may be the
beginning, not the end, of new battles over “nullification,” the way to destroy
or drastically limit federal government authority.
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