Maine Gov. Paul LePage is adding to the constitutional
changes that politicians are making to government. He has set out the veto every bill the
Legislature presents for his signature.
LePage probably does not oppose all of the proposed laws,
but he seeks to require the Legislature, in which the Senate is controlled by
his fellow Republicans and the House is controlled by the Democrats, to pass
all bills by a veto-proof, two-thirds majority.
Above all, LePage’s vetoes highlight a battle for political power
between the legislative and executive branches of government much more than a
battle between the parties.
LePage is open about his intentions. He believes his 2014 reelection means the
Legislature should bend to his will. He
discounts the voters’ will in electing members of the Legislature, which is
supposed to make the laws.
He says legislators have wasted his time, so he is wasting
theirs by levying his vetoes. He may
also be wasting the state’s reputation and taxpayer dollars to pay for extra
legislative sessions.
There are other problems with “vetomania.” Bills that should get a second look, where
LePage’s opposition may make sense, are swept into the override wave as the Legislature
asserts its rights. And bills that
should be enacted, even in his view, though they fell short of a two-thirds
vote on passage, may be wiped away by a failure to override.
He has tried to use the pocket veto, holding bills without
his signature until ten days after the Legislature adjourns. But he faces the problem that it has not quit
for the year. In fact, it is possible
that the Legislature will keep itself in session permanently, making pocket
vetoes impossible. Will his move end up
before the Supreme Court or in the legislative investigation of his actions?
LePage’s veto moves would follow GOP precedent in Congress,
where President Obama is blocked from making the kind of recess appointments to
office envisaged by the Constitution, by the simple means of never having a
recess.
His actions parallel the increased growth in the use of the
filibuster in the U.S. Senate, which blocks votes on hundreds of bills without
the consent of 60 senators. In Maine,
the Democrats at one time similarly created false ends to legislative sessions
to get around the customary two-thirds agreement on the state budget.
Government has always depended on understandings, written
and unwritten, about how participants would behave so that it could
function. Breaking historic
understandings by insisting on the unreasonable application of the federal and
state constitutions could threaten the American political system.
When political splits get that wide, can the system survive?
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