Maine Gov. Paul LePage refuses to meet with the newly
elected President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House. He’s a Republican, and they are Democrats.
It is a one-sided war, because the Democrats have even
offered to take LePage out to dinner. He
refuses any of their efforts to talk, ostensibly because he does not like the
Democratic Party making videos of his public speeches.
This apparently unprecedented breakdown in a basic and
necessary working relationship is a symptom of a dangerous development in
government, state and federal.
As much as we like to believe that we have a government of
laws, we understand that our system works because those who govern have a
shared view of how to deal with their disagreements and work for the public
interest.
Or at least, they used to have such a shared understanding.
These days, in Maine and in Washington, that sense of common
purpose seems to have disappeared.
In his first two years, LePage had GOP majorities in the
Legislature and had no trouble talking to its leaders. Now facing Democrats, he uses a weak excuse
for not meeting with them to do the people’s business. Instead, he says they should be content to
meet with his staff.
His position reflects a misunderstanding of the role of the
state’s chief executive, who should lead the state not just his party.
LePage has also refused to allow the issuance of state bonds
that have been approved by the Legislature and the people. He imposed his personal policy in a matter
that was supposed to be an administrative action not subject to his veto.
The voters expect road repairs and other actions that don’t
happen because of his policy.
In Washington, much the same is happening.
Since the early 20th Century, Congress has
routinely approved increases in the ceiling on the national debt to cover appropriations
of public funds that it has already made.
Any opposition has been mere political grandstanding, not a real attempt
to gum up the works.
Now, the Republicans use their ability to prevent an
increase in the debt ceiling as a way to repeal previous spending commitments. That breaks a long-standing way of doing
business, recognized over more than a century by both parties.
Democratic leaders have urged President Obama to use a
provision of the Fourteenth Amendment to issue debt even if the debt ceiling is
not raised. Obama, who used to teach constitutional
law, has said he does not think it allows him to do what they ask.
For the time being, at least, the President wants to
preserve the common understanding even if that makes his life more difficult. He sticks to the idea that the debt ceiling is
only a formality.
Recently, Obama has announced some nominations for key
positions in his cabinet. Some
Republicans say they will oppose and may even block those nominations, because
they disagree with policy positions taken by the nominees many years in the
past.
The system used to allow the President, who after all had
won the only national election the country has, to pick his own team. Presumably, his appointees will follow his
policy lead and not be able to pursue their own personal agendas.
Some Republicans in Congress seem to believe that the
election meant nothing and they should tell the President whom he can choose,
thus undermining his ability to carry out his policies.
In fact, some GOP House members argue that their district
elections means as much as the election of the President. The country has not traditionally equated a
member of Congress with the President when it comes to governing.
And then there’s the filibuster. Even if it is somewhat modified this year, it
will continue to allow a Senate minority to prevent hundreds of bills from
coming to a vote. That’s plainly
contrary to the Constitution.
All of these actions undermine the ability of government to
function and to adopt laws to meet public needs. The fabric of the common commitment to make
government function has been badly damaged by those in government who would
rather undermine the system than have measures adopted which they oppose.
The proof lies in the work of Congress. The session that ended early in January
produced the fewest pieces of real legislation, excluding the naming of post
offices, in decades, even less than the famous “Do-Nothing Congress” of 1948.
What seems to be missing is a sense in either the Congress
or the Blaine House that government owes it to the voters to preserve the basic
understandings essential to a functioning democracy – and produce results.
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