At the start
of the recent Syria negotiations, Secretary of State John Kerry said the governing
Assad regime must go.
U.S. House
Republicans voted more than 40 times to repeal the Affordable Care Act.
Maine Gov.
Paul LePage refused to meet Democratic leaders
What these
moves show is a distressing lack of ability to negotiate.
While many
Americans favor compromise on most issues, leaders find it impossible to
produce deals, because they have abandoned the art of negotiation.
Assad’s
representatives answered Kerry’s by refusing to speak with the United States. That could make you wonder if the U.S. wanted
to torpedo the very talks that it initiated.
Of course,
there’s good reason to dislike Assad and want him out. But will his representatives be willing to
negotiate a process making that possible, if Kerry insists on the end result
even before the talks begin? Not
likely.
Much depends
on negotiating objectives. We have to
understand what we want. Do we want
people to stop killing each other in Syria and destabilizing the region or do
we accept an ongoing war until Assad leaves?
If it’s the second, why bother at all with negotiations?
The Kerry
approach to Syria is similar to the U.S. position on Iran’s nuclear
development. Clearly, most countries
would like to see Iran prevented from producing uranium enriched to the point
where it could be used in bombs or missiles.
But the U.S.
and some American allies were blocked from even beginning talks by their
insistence that Iran agree to get rid of its enriched uranium first. The possibility of talks was going nowhere.
International
sanctions finally made Iran willing to talk, and the U.S. and others were
willing to negotiate as soon as Iran said it would stop further
enrichment. That was not the end of the
Iran problem, but it could be the long-missing start of the end game.
Still, some
in Congress dislike relaxing any sanctions in return for Iran’s first steps in
the right direction. They still want
Iran simply to give up, however unlikely it is without a deal.
Negotiations usually
won’t work if one side insists on preconditions amounting to the other side
giving up. That’s like saying, “Let’s
skip the talks, and you just surrender now.”
The GOP has to
recognize the ACA won’t be repealed no matter how many times they vote to shut it
down. Negotiations depend on the
Republicans putting forward their own proposal and showing a willingness to
negotiate with the Democrats.
Demanding
repeal first and then negotiations ensures nothing happens. Most people realize the ACA needs to be fixed
and probably simplified, but that can’t happen without real negotiations
unfettered by impossible preconditions.
The outlook
for negotiations is not good. The Republican
Right is raising vast sums and gearing up to fight members of their own party
who want to find reasonable compromises.
Sen. John McCain, the 2008 GOP presidential candidate, is now under
attack in Arizona, his home state, for opposing a government shutdown.
These
situations show any hope of success in negotiations depends on knowing your
objective, but not requiring the other side accept it as a precondition to
talks.
Of course,
success depends on a willingness to talk in the first place. In Maine, when the Democrats regained control
of the Legislature in 2012, Gov. LePage simply refused for months to speak with
the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House.
LePage was
miffed, he said, by being followed by a cameraman, hired by the state Democratic
Party. Maybe, but he was also probably
miffed by his party’s loss of both houses of the Legislature.
Not only did
his refusal gum up the legislative works, but it brought unfavorable national
news coverage of a state struggling to make itself more attractive to outside
investment. Neither result is likely to
be hugely popular with Maine people.
People can
learn from their mistakes and start bargaining.
President Obama seems to have overcome his habit of making concessions
first and then expecting the GOP to give him something in return.
The farm bill
on which representatives from both parties agreed is a good example of how
negotiations can work. The Republicans
agreed to cut farm subsidies, and the Democrats accepted reducing the number of
people getting food stamps. Not a great
deal, perhaps, but better than nothing.
And as the
farm bill negotiations showed, neither side is likely to get everything it
wants. A good compromise is when both
sides end up equally unhappy.
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