The recent
vote on raising the ceiling on the national debt spotlighted the reason why
Congress fails to act on virtually anything and manages to achieve record low
popularity.
The debt
limit is really a sham. The debts have
already been incurred, and the U.S. must pay their cost. Presumably, blocking an increase means
cutting spending so there’s money available to pay interest on the debt.
The
Republicans in both the House and Senate wanted to avoid the issue becoming the
cause of another government shutdown, for which they could once again get the
blame.
But Tea Party
partisans were willing to have the GOP take the heat for a shutdown, if they
could take a victory blocking the debt ceiling increase into this year’s
elections.
That put
non-Tea Party Republicans on the spot. If
they voted to increase the debt limit, they might find themselves facing tea
party opponents in GOP primaries this year.
In the House,
GOP Speaker John Boehner made a move possibly marking him in political history
as a person who put the good of the country ahead of political survival. Or it could simply show he is a smart
politician, who knew the way the wind was blowing among the voters.
Boehner
decided to let the House vote on suspending the debt limit. He knew only a few
Republicans would be willing to ignore the Tea Party and vote for the
suspension, joining with almost all Democrats.
The Speaker’s move was unusual for the GOP, more courageous than most of
what followed.
The only face
saver was the debt ceiling was not increased, but only “suspended.” That ploy gave the impression, almost
certainly false, that, in 2015, House members could revert to the old debt
ceiling. Or could the issue melt away,
by substituting more suspensions for actual increases?
The Speaker’s
move worked. Most Republicans could
proudly state they had voted against the suspension, thus warding off
challenges from the Tea Party. They
passed the buck to Senate Republicans.
The rest
should have been easy for the GOP. By
avoiding a formal vote to cut off debate, the Senate could have simply voted on
the House bill. Given the Democrats’
Senate majority, all of the Republicans could have voted against the bill and
still seen it pass, which is what most of them really wanted.
But the Tea Party
was not about to let that happen. To
pick up seats from traditional GOP senators, they had to make the debt ceiling
an issue. So they demanded a procedural
vote requiring 60 votes to bring the House bill before the Senate. The Democrats alone can muster 55 votes.
Texas GOP
Sen. Ted Cruz, darling of the Tea Party, was more than happy to force the
procedural vote. Rarely does one see the
open hostility of other Republican senators to one of their own as arose after
his action. Cruz even crossed his party
leader, Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky.
His tactics
meant some Republicans would have to join all the Democrats in voting to end
debate and proceed to a vote, putting some of them in the Tea Party line of
fire in the primaries, including McConnell himself.
A dozen GOP
senators joined the Democrats in ending debate.
Then the Republicans unanimously voted against the House bill, allowing
it to pass with the votes of the majority Democrats. Remember, most Republican senators wanted the
bill to pass. They just didn’t want to be responsible for it.
Maine Sen.
Susan Collins dutifully voted to end debate.
But sharing the worries of her party about a rightwing takeover by the
Tea Party, she voted against the sensible House bill. Of course, that vote cost her and her fellow
Republicans nothing, because they knew the Democrats would pass it.
The Republican
Party seems to be held hostage by its fear it will be taken over by archconservatives
like Cruz. It does not often resist
them, much less get tough with their destructive tactics.
Why is the
GOP, a party with a proud conservative history, allowing the Tea Party,
representing about 20 percent of voters, to take it over in Congress?
Many
Republicans seem unwilling to fight for constructive conservatism focused more
on economic issues than political grandstanding. Instead, they cede control to people like
Cruz who exploit division rather than promoting positive solutions.
If senators
like Collins try to survive the Tea Party threat by letting it set the agenda,
traditional Republicans could turn out to be little more than foot soldiers in
a right-wing army.
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