Whatever the outcome of next week’s elections, some political
trends emerge.
They include the role of big money’s television buys, the
status of conservatism and the role of women.
How do many, if not most, people decide how they’ll vote? Chances are good that it’s not based on
candidates’ policy proposals or their debate performance.
Debates have become so numerous and predictable that many people
ignore them. When they were more unusual
and a slip of the lip could influence opinion, they mattered more.
Traditional campaign elements remain important. Candidates’ party affiliations matter, of
course, but they are rarely mentioned. And
identifying supporters and getting them to the polls must be done, now aided by
software more than canvassing.
But what matters most is television. Short spots do not have to be accurate, and
sheer repetition, made possible by huge financial resources, helps get
messages, true or not, into viewers’ minds. Campaigns will set spending records thanks
major donors’ television spots.
We hear increasingly about the growing roles of big political
donors. They can funnel money on short
notice to favored campaigns, mainly to buy television time. In other words, all of us can experience the
influence of big money on American politics.
In this year’s campaign, it looks like the Republican TV
spots outshine the Democrats’ commercials.
Have you ever seen a Democratic spot pushing the virtues of
Obamacare? The GOP has been able to make
the president and his program a target, and the Democrats have been unwilling
to promote the program.
TV spots on their key program were missing in the two previous
congressional elections. This year the
unpopularity of Obamacare, thanks to the drumbeat of GOP opposition, spread to
Obama himself, who has campaigned little rather than promoting his programs.
Thanks to their better TV spots and traditional mid-term
slippage in support for the president’s party, the outlook must encourage the
GOP.
Accordingly, the result in this year’s elections is likely
to show a continued slide of the Congress toward the conservatives. The Democrats would be considered winners if
they held onto their Senate majority, a feat considered impossible by many
pundits. In other words, not losing
would constitute winning.
But even both houses of Congress coming under GOP control
could give a false impression.
When the dust settles, it will also be important to look at how
many voters supported each party across the entire country. That will ignore gerrymandered congressional districts,
which mainly favor the Republicans, whatever the total popular vote.
The people will probably remain closely divided in their
political views. The seemingly clear
conservative dominance in Congress is likely to diverge from the closer total
popular vote.
That’s why the GOP, even enjoying new congressional power,
will face the challenge of increasing its appeal to somewhat less conservative
voters if it hopes to take the presidency in 2016 and thus gain complete
political control in Washington.
Instead of seeking the outright repeal of Obamacare or blocking
all Obama judicial appointments, a Republican Congress could take smaller bites
into Democratic programs, perhaps making it difficult for the president to veto
them.
It also means that the congressional Democrats will need to
increase their party’s appeal to less liberal voters. They could end up supporting some of the
spending reductions the Republicans want. Whether a GOP Senate could overcome Democratic
filibusters and produce veto-proof majorities depends on just how much toward
moderation it would move.
Meanwhile, a quieter and less ideological change in the American
political scene may continue in next week’s elections.
If every woman running for a U.S. Senate seat now occupied
by a man won her election and all female incumbents held their seats, the Senate
would have 28 women out of its 100 members.
That would be a new record, surpassing the current 20 women. After the 2000 elections, there were 10
female senators and ten years before that, only two.
Of course, not all female candidates will win, because some
are running as long shots against entrenched incumbents. As many as four women now in the Senate could
lose their elections to male candidates.
Still, a new record may be set as the trend continues.
Maine could end up with three of its four congressional
slots filled by women. In the Senate
race, incumbent GOP Sen. Susan Collins faces Democrat Shenna Bellows. The First District should be held by Democrat
Chellie Pingree, and if Democrat Emily Cain defeats Republican Bruce Poliquin
in the Second District, she would be the third Maine woman in the next Congress.
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