The Keystone XL pipeline was defeated in the U.S. Senate, because only 59 of the 100 senators voted for the project.
That same day, a bill to reduce N.S.A. surveillance of
Americans also failed to pass, because a vote to end debate on the bill only
received 58 votes.
Wait a minute. Where
in the Constitution does it say that it takes more than a majority to pass a
bill in either house of Congress?
Nowhere.
These two votes – based on the Senate filibuster rule that
requires 60 votes to end debate – teach several lessons about how the U.S.
government functions. Or doesn’t
function.
On the pipeline vote, the issue was less about whether it
was a good idea and more about giving Sen. Mary Landrieu, a Louisiana Democrat
facing a tough uphill fight in a runoff election, a victory to take home to the
voters.
The senators knew that, in January, when there will be a lot
more GOP senators, it will be easy to get the 60 votes and adopt the Keystone
XL bill. So the vote was pure political
theater.
All 45 Republicans voted for the pipeline. So did 14 Democrats, including Landrieu and 4
Democrats whose seats will be taken by Republicans next month. Most of the remaining 10 Democrats are
moderates, coming from states that lean Republican.
As usual, the Democrats showed far less party discipline
that the Republicans. Sen. Susan Collins
may be a GOP Maine moderate, but she voted the straight party line.
And Sen. Angus King may be a Maine independent, who even
considered joining the GOP Senate caucus, but he voted like a loyal
Democrat. He said the Senate should not vote
on a mere interstate construction project, though it regularly votes on naming
federal buildings.
On the N.S.A. spying bill, all Democrats voted to end debate. So did three tea party Republicans, who
dislike the government invasion of privacy.
All the remaining GOP senators voted, in effect, against the bill. But there were not enough votes to end
debate.
Both Collins and King voted the party line, opposed to one
another.
The obvious conclusion is that the filibuster is not
consistent with the majority rule the Senate is supposed to use. Now that it is used virtually all the time on
important bills, it’s a recipe for getting nothing done.
The filibuster means that either party, having 41 seats, can
block any legislation. The Republicans
have been in that position and the Democrats will be there in January. The minority can prevent any new legislation.
The rule requiring the 60 votes can be changed by majority
vote, but such a change is unlikely. Both
parties want to retain the power for use when in the minority.
Why do senators vote the party line? Their loyalty is rewarded by good committee
assignments, distributed by party leaders who impose discipline. As a result, they are loath to oppose the
reelection of their leaders, because if they end up on the wrong side of that
vote, they lose influence and power.
There is another lesson in the Keystone XL vote. It shows that, without the filibuster, a
later Senate could reverse a decision made by an earlier Senate. Knowing that was possible could place limits
on extremes in the first vote. But that’s
unlikely to happen as senators cling to the system they know.
In short, there is little chance the filibuster will
disappear. The Democrats did eliminate
it for most federal judicial appointments, many of which were blocked by a GOP
effort to keep President Obama from putting judges on the bench.
But it will remain for legislation. And that can easily mean the federal
government will continue to do nothing.
This has been the least productive Congress in history in
terms of bills passed. At the same time,
a post-Second World War record for low voter turnout was set when it fell to 36
percent in the recent congressional elections.
Surveys show voters hold Congress in low esteem and want it
to act. Their failure to show up at the
polls for congressional elections may have been more a statement about its
ineffectiveness than a verdict on Obama’s policies, as his opponents claim. This year’s low turnout is evidence of the
alienation between the electors and the elected.
The insistence of the Senate to keep the filibuster only
promises more inaction. Senators become
so preoccupied by Washington games and their own political survival that the gap
grows larger between the federal government and what the American people want.
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