Is race a factor in American politics?
That has been a tough
question to answer, because in recent decades, people have become unlikely to
express openly their views on race.
Academic analysis has found that people have a “tendency to withhold
socially unacceptable attitudes.”
And, with the election
of African-American Barack Obama as president, some people have come to believe
that race as a political factor has disappeared.
But there are some clear
indications that the historic American political issue of race remains alive.
In 1964, President
Lyndon Johnson, a Democrat, signed the Civil Rights Act, which assured the
equal rights of African-Americans, and promised federal government action to
protect their rights. When he signed, he
reportedly remarked that his action would turn the South over to the
Republicans for a generation.
The South had always
been solidly behind the Democratic Party, which favored segregation and white
political supremacy. With few blacks
voting, the southern white electorate could assure continual Democratic
control.
But as the Democratic
Party changed, including more of the newly enfranchised black voters, whites
began moving out to breathe life into a sleepy GOP that under Lincoln had been
the party responsible for freeing the slaves.
This year, in nine of
the eleven states that formed the Confederacy, leading to the Civil War, there
is no statewide major office holder – governor or senator – who is a
Democrat. Out of the 33 possible slots,
only two are filled by Democrats.
This political
development is one sign that race still matters. In fairness, though, it must be noted that
one of South Carolina’s GOP senators is an African-American.
The U.S. Supreme Court
recently overruled Congress, which had determined that efforts, mostly in the
South, to block African American voting still needed federal attention. A new study suggests the Court’s view is
overly optimistic.
With seeking to find out
if voters hold racist views by means of polling proving so unworkable, because
of people’s reluctance to state openly their feelings on the matter, another
way of looking at the presence of racist views had to be found.
A Google search is
conducted by a person alone in front of the computer. It eliminates as an influence the wish to
avoid a socially unacceptable action.
A study developed at
Harvard University tabulated Google searches for racially inflammatory
terms. Though the analysis was
complicated, in simple terms it compared racist “hits” with voting behavior in
the last three presidential elections.
The first result of the
study was scoring each state and the District of Columbia. States were ranked in line with the results.
Interestingly, Maine
ranked 32nd, right after California.
Some 59 percent of California’s population is African-American, Asian or
Hispanic, so it would be reasonable to expect less racial bias there. But, in Maine, those groups comprise less than
four percent of the population. (For details, search
Google for “Racial Animus and Voting” and this study will be listed.)
The central part of the
study focused on whether racial attitudes affected the outcome of the recent
presidential elections, assuming that when John Kerry, a white Democrat, ran in
2004, there was no reason for racial bias.
The question was whether when Barack Obama, a black Democrat, ran in 2008
and 2012, racial bias showed up among the voters.
The study found “relative to the most racially tolerant areas
in the United States, prejudice cost Obama 4.2 percentage points of the
national popular vote in 2008 and 4.0 percentage points in 2012.”
In 2008, Obama won by a
margin of 7 percent and, in 2012, by 4 percent.
Without the racial element, his electoral vote might have approached
landslide proportions.
He appeared to gain
little from his race, because it is unlikely that white voters supported him
because he was black. African-Americans,
who represent a small part of the total vote, were already heavily Democratic
supporters.
Undoubtedly, Obama’s
election in 2008 was read by both black and white voters as indicating an
improvement in race relations. About 64
percent of blacks saw improvement.
But, according to
national polls, by 2011 attitudes were falling back to pre-Obama levels and,
this month, only 35 percent of blacks thought race relations are good. The reaction of whites was similar but the swing
was less wide.
Perhaps hopes were too
high for how much change Obama could bring.
But the GOP’s unwillingness to cooperate with him on virtually any major
issue may have suggested to African Americans that there is a political desire
to prevent a black president from ending up with a successful record.
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