Showing posts with label Thomas Massie. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Thomas Massie. Show all posts

Friday, May 22, 2026

Trump’s control grows as he wins key race

 

Trump’s control grows as he wins key race

Maine could see what Massie faced

 

Gordon L. Weil

The Massie primary in Kentucky answered a lot of questions.

The race, testing GOP Rep. Thomas Massie’s anti-Trump appeal, produced some clear messages, including at least one that could affect Maine.

This contest was the most expensive congressional primary in history.  It showed that Trump backers are willing to spend tens of millions of dollars to help him in his quest to maintain domination of Congress.   They may reasonably expect favorable treatment of their interests – ranging from backing Israel to reduced environmental regulation – in return.

In fact, his endorsement may matter less than the Trump oligarchy in operation.  He has amassed a huge war chest for the congressional elections in November, and the Massie race revealed that political money can make a difference.  Massie did well in fundraising, but trailed Ed Gallrein, Trump’s pick, and lost by almost 10 percent in a district that he had easily held.

A key part of Gallrein’s financial support came from the America-Israel Public Affairs Committee and Miriam Adelson, a major backer of Israel.  Massie has opposed the Iran war and, as a balanced-budget libertarian, additional funding for Israel’s military.  His extreme positions aroused the opposition of pro-Israel forces.

In Maine, if Graham Platner is the Democratic nominee for the U.S. Senate, he might expect an outpouring of pro-Israel funding to support Sen. Susan Collins, like what happened in Kentucky.  Platner is tagged with being pro-Palestinian.  Because the Democrats see this Senate seat as a likely pick-up, the result could become a big spending duel. 

Kentucky is a solidly Republican state when in federal elections; it is a solid-Trump state.   While almost two-thirds of Americans reportedly oppose the Iran war, a strong majority of Republicans supports it.  Any concern they may have about rising prices, especially at the gas pump, matters less than fidelity to Trump. 

If any further proof were needed, the Massie defeat emphasized that the traditional GOP, conservative on economic policy and moderate on social policy, no longer exists.  The party has been completely absorbed by Trump and his MAGA movement.  The Republican Party is his to command.

Though Trump will be a true lame duck president beginning next January, there is yet no sign that his power over the GOP is fading.  Flying in the face of Republican Senate leadership on the same day as the Massie race, he endorsed Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, a MAGA man, over Sen. John Cornyn.  Temporarily alienating his own Senate party did not worry Trump.

A Massie victory might have encouraged other GOP House members to put some distance between themselves and Trump during this fall’s campaign.  But they will worry that GOP support would weaken unless they keep in Trump’s favor.  Even after the possibility of primary challenges has past, many will want his seal of approval and campaign cash.

Given the strong Republican loyalty to Trump, the Democrats would need to do more than run on the simple promise of not being Trumpers.  They need an agenda and to avoid turning the race for their party’s presidential nomination into a bloody battle.  Whether they can do either are open questions.  Maybe Trump will stumble, but he seems to be impervious to criticism.

There’s solid evidence that allegiance to Trump is based more on fear than fidelity.  After Louisiana Republicans dumped Sen. Bill Cassidy, he immediately joined GOP dissidents who want the Iran war to pass congressional scrutiny.  And since North Carolina Sen. Tom Tillis decided not to seek reelection, he has become a more open Trump skeptic.

As libertarians, Massie and Kentucky GOP Sen. Rand Paul oppose authoritarianism à la Trump.  They will not concede their principles even under the threat of losing elections.  Much of the Massie agenda is extreme right-wing, out of touch with public needs and political reality.  But he is a person of principle, a rarity in a world where appeasing Trump may be a necessity.

In his concession speech, Massie said, “what started out as an election turned into a movement.”  He argued that this new political movement is composed of younger voters who do not accept unlimited government spending and foreign involvement.  His platform is starkly conservative, but insistent on the Bill of Rights.

Massie obviously expects to be a leader of this movement.  Trump and MAGA have undoubtedly not seen the last of him.  He might even run for president in 2028, either in Republican primaries or as the Libertarian Party candidate.

Now, Trump can feel confident in his political position, although the Iran war and its economic impact weigh heavily in the electoral balance.   Will a majority of voters in districts across the country vote this November in their own economic interests or will they remain loyal to the man who has captured the political system?

 


Friday, April 17, 2026

Bellwether election coming up -- One May race could tell it all


Bellwether election coming up

One May race could tell it all

 

Gordon L. Weil

Is he a good Republican?  

Reject Obamacare?  Check.   Close Department of Education?  Check.  Loosen gun control? Check.  Claim global warming is pseudoscience?  Check.  Balance the budget? Check.

That’s Thomas Massie, the Republican House member from Kentucky’s Fourth District.  He’s an 84 percent backer of President Trump, while Maine GOP Sen. Susan Collins, classified as a moderate, backs him 96 percent.  That makes him a despised rebel.

Trump backs a well-financed candidate challenging Massie in the May 19 primary.  The president now defines what it means to be a Republican and will tolerate no independence.  If successful, Massie’s rival could help end the president’s political heartburn.

The race comes down to Massie versus Trump.  It will be a test of Trump’s popularity among Republicans and if the traditional budget-balancing party, the classic conservative GOP, still exists and can make a comeback.  The district is solid red, so its vote will take the pulse of Republican support.

Massie, like Kentucky U.S. Senator Rand Paul, is a libertarian.  Like Paul, he is true to his beliefs and is closely aligned with deep conservatism.   Government should do less, a lot less, and sharply cut the mounting national debt.  If that means no aid to Israel, no Iran war, little foreign involvement, that’s all right.  Just not with Trump.

The primary represents a test for Trump of his own choosing.  He demands and usually gets total loyalty from GOP House members.  In the first year of his second term, Trump appeared to enjoy unlimited and complete power.  Massie’s opposition has mostly been annoying, though he led in getting some of the Epstein papers made public.  Most House Republicans treat him as a pariah.

But the corruptive force of Trump’s power is challenging his hold on the party and the country.

Part of Trump’s 2024 electoral success depended on his making inroads into traditional Democratic constituencies.  Some of his actions have harmed the interests of social and ethnic groups, which split to support him.  Their disappointment may now emerge as a barometer of his standing.  At the same time, Democrats who did not vote in 2024 may also rejoin their party.

His purification of the Republican Party by discrediting and defeating traditionalists pushes away potential supporters.   They have sustained his policies, but will they begin to respond to voter concerns and become more independent of Trump’s threats as the campaigns progress?  He should have cause for concern.

His failure to tame inflation, a major factor in his victory, affects middle-class voters who backed him because of his cost-cutting promises.

His attack on the pope and his self-portrayal as Jesus has aroused open opposition among religious conservatives.

His obvious discrimination against Blacks and women, beginning with the dismissal of the Chair of the Joint Chiefs, a Black, and the head of the Navy, a woman, has offended some in these large constituencies and may lead to increased opposition.

His abuse of the law by demanding the prosecution of his political opponents, going back to the 2020 elections, creates discomfort.

His indifference to Ukraine accompanied by his inexplicable Russian sympathies, his attempt to take Greenland from Denmark, an ally, and, contrary to his promise, his launching the Iran war without consulting Congress or American allies have all faced strong opposition.

His trade policy and his absurd desire to make Canada the 51st state has imposed new costs on American consumers and manufacturers.

His family’s unprecedented and open enrichment by benefitting from his policies and foreign friendships displeases people.

Taken together, these concerns have raised questions even among his core backers that he is losing mental acuity and focusing almost entirely on his personal reputation and legacy.  The prospects for the next two and a-half years are not positive.

If the Massie election reveals GOP disaffection from Trump, it could help elect traditional Republican backers elsewhere, enabling them to gain more influence.  In Congress, that could loosen Trump’s virtually total control and promote compromise.  Trump could be forced to deal with his skeptics and opposition.

Conventional wisdom is that the Democrats should hammer affordability and back away from more controversial issues favored by progressives.  Yet it’s possible that any Democratic vote, moderate or progressive, helps the party, because it is united in its opposition to Trump.

Increasingly, Trump is making himself into the 2026 campaign issue, above even immigration, taxation or Iran.  If Massie wins the Kentucky primary convincingly, that could signal a strong rejection of his MAGA politics.

Looming over this scene is the specter of Hungary’s landslide defeat of right-wing Premier Viktor Orban, who indulged in the same style of governing as Trump.  It would be an almost impossible stretch for the Democrats to gain two-thirds control of Congress as did Orban’s opposition, but they could put the brakes on Trump.