Showing posts with label Hegseth. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hegseth. Show all posts

Sunday, April 5, 2026

Trump's last gasp?


Trump’s last gasp?

Helping MAGA survive

 

Gordon L. Weil

Donald Trump believes that he is exceptionally qualified to carry out a mandate to reshape America according to his own vision.

Above all, this mandate allows him to exercise personal and virtually absolute control, not only over the federal government, but over a myriad of aspects of national life.  Accomplishing his mandate, he could fulfill his claim to be the GOAT – the greatest of all time.

He runs the risk that original constitutional processes will frustrate his mandate.  The most basic are the elections that choose the president and Congress.  He devotes much attention to undermining elections with false fraud claims and attempts to suppress voting, but he cannot erase them.

As the congressional election year grinds on, threatening at least the GOP House majority, he is compelled to make an extreme effort to achieve his goals.  The elections might produce a Democratic majority that could thwart his hopes.  Or they could produce Republican victory, reaffirming his vision.

He must achieve his MAGA ambitions quickly.  If he faces rejection, and this is his last gasp in November, he must accomplish all he can now.   If the voters approve of his efforts, his two lame duck years will be transformed to give him the third term powers he has coveted.  Either way, between now and November 3, the public can expect his all-out effort to achieve his goals.

While observers focus on the Iran war’s impact on affordability and foreign relations, Trump may see winning the war and destroying as much as possible of Iran’s dangerous regime as being key to an eventual recognition of his greatness in dismantling a potential nuclear threat.  That may be why he presses on.

In misunderstanding NATO, he may be forcing the alliance to update itself.  Europe will be better able to defend itself, becoming more independent of the U.S.  Trump assigns himself credit for inducing the Europeans to play a bigger role; he lauds himself for military budget increases among America’s allies.  He scorns allies for not doing his bidding and now targets NATO.

Trump obviously sees the armed forces as a major tool in exploiting American power to bring change to the world and the use of the threat of war as a believable and acceptable policy.  His easy but limited success in Venezuela has obviously been intoxicating and encourages him to try to duplicate it.   Cuba is a tempting target, and he will press on in seeking others.

In the process, he and Pete Hegseth, his amazing and alarming choice to lead the armed forces, reshapes the military.  Without regard to morale and readiness, they are stripping high command of women and African Americans. Hegseth believes such people are promoted simply because of their sex or race, and will continue to pursue military ethnic cleansing until yearend.

Trump sees federal judges as political, not judicial, officials.  He reflexively attributes his court defeats to liberal judges.  If Congress flips in November, he will not be able to put his backers on the bench.  Thus, it reasonable to expect a rush to get his nominees confirmed before the elections. 

Executive orders, questionable legislating by the executive, will continue to cascade. Trump can be expected to kill as much regulation that remains as possible, especially any surviving elements of environmental or financial protection.  As needed, he will tighten his control of supposedly independent boards.

While U.S. dependence on certain imports could moderate his tariff policy somewhat, he seems determined to press ahead with it.  He uses tariffs in the same way as he deploys military forces, as a demonstration of the America power at his disposal.  In both cases, his preoccupation with power obscures the ability to appreciate unintended consequences.

Trump’s unyielding pursuit of his agenda is bringing two reactions that increasingly call his insistence into question.

Europe, Canada, Australia and others are becoming increasingly critical and more independent of the U.S., which was accustomed to working with allies, even if it had the greatest force.   When Trump says the U.S. can go it alone, he pushes other countries into new relationships and reducing ties with it.  American power decreases, opening opportunities for China. 

The other factor is the gradual erosion of his support among some congressional Republicans.   Trump has taken over many congressional powers with GOP majority backing.   Despite being responsible for their own loss of control, some members slip away from him and others leave Congress.  Democrats expect usual mid-term election gains and maybe more.

Congressional races have become national elections.  Because of Trump’s sweeping and bold actions and the relatively minor influence of Congress, the election unavoidably becomes a decision about him. 

Trump finds himself in a political spotlight of his own creation.  Win or lose, perhaps that’s what matters the most to him. 

Friday, December 5, 2025

Trump in Caribbean may enjoy immunity

 

Gordon L. Weil

The furor over the shooting of two survivors of an armed attack on a Caribbean vessel is all about who gave the execution order.

But there’s a lot more to it than that.  It gets to the essence of the Trump presidency.

The central issue joins the Supreme Court’s 2024 decision on presidential power with Trump’s view of himself.  The combined effect may be to have created a presidency of unlimited power.  The only restraints on Trump are either the formal, if extremely remote, possibility of his removal from office, or an electoral rebellion by voters across the country.

The question before the Supreme Court was whether presidents could face criminal charges for actions taken while they were in office.  To answer that question, the Court made a sweeping statement about the extent of presidential powers.

Presidents are completely immune from any legal control when they exercise the specific powers delegated to them in the Constitution, it ruled.  For example, the power to issue pardons, liberally used by Trump, cannot in any way be questioned or limited by Congress.  Acting as commander-in-chief, potentially against Venezuela, may also be immune.

In contrast, the Court found that presidents are completely subject to control when they clearly act in a private capacity, without any official authority being involved. Such actions may be difficult to identify.

A problem arises when they exercise powers that are at the edge of their authority or which they share with Congress.  The Court said they must be presumed to enjoy immunity, though the Court will have to determine case-by-case if they went too far.  It made no judgment on Trump, but sent the cases back to the district courts where they died when he became president.

The Court reveals that it is highly unlikely to find that presidents had exceeded their legal authority.  If they applied the law differently from congressional intentions by using their own interpretation, they would be presumed to enjoy immunity.  Trump may be right when he claims he is not strictly bound by the law.  His immunity covers his appointees, like Hegseth.

Relevant to the Caribbean case, the Court planted a little noticed bombshell.  The Constitution requires presidents to “take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed …,” but the Court ruled that requirement applies “domestically.”  It seemingly set a different standard for the exercise of presidential powers as commander-in-chief and in managing foreign affairs. 

Destroying alleged drug-smuggling vessels on the high seas is not “domestic.”  Might the president avoid faithfully executing the laws of war even if they have been adopted in U.S. law? 

Could the president order an invasion of another country without a declaration of war if there is no remedy besides impeachment?

Can the president allow violations of the Nuremberg rules of international law that ban subordinates’ claims that they were “just following orders?” 

The Court seems to say that if presidents act as commander-in-chief, they are not bound by the law.  They must only obey the Constitution, which offers a lot of leeway in interpretation.

Most past presidents, with the notable exception of Richard Nixon who quit before he was convicted, have followed constitutional understandings that embody the spirit of the American Revolution against the British king and the intentions of the Framers of the Constitution.  Trump has pushed his authority beyond those historical limits.

His approach appears to flow from an inbred notion of his personal superiority.  His special qualities allow him to disrespect other people and nations.  Nobody has the right to his respect or even courtesy, because he operates on a uniquely elevated level, as validated by voters.

When it comes to immigrants, he seeks to operate as prosecutor, judge and jury simply to exercise his personal prejudices, especially involving non-white people and nations.  His policies are predicated on obvious falsehoods.  He must know he is lying to Congress, the media and the public.

He has no respect for Congress. Its Republican majority clings to their seats and privileges, and appease his excesses to avoid his backing a primary challenger.   They have abdicated the preeminent constitutional role of Congress, thus failing to hold him accountable.  He ignores them with impunity.   He regards the Democrats as “the enemy.”

If his policy runs against the law, he overrules it.  His policy then becomes the law.  See DEI.  See USAID.  Perhaps he has gone too far with the Caribbean killings or having been caught trying to escape his previous promises about revealing the Epstein files.   Congressional Republicans seem restive, but it’s probably too early to call it courage.

The American Republic is united not by common ethnicity, but by common ethics.  With the Court’s backing, Trump sheds historical balances and restraints and offers instead dangerous change, with the clear message, “I am the law.”